Historical documents relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and approaches thereto, to 1773; Spanish texts and English translations

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I

Historical Documents relating to

New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Approaches

Thereto, to 1773

J?JP COLLECTED BY
ADOLPH F. A. BANDELIER and FANNY R. BANDELIER

SPANISH TEXTS AND ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS

EDITED WITH INTRODUCTIONS AND ANNOTATIONS
BY

CHARLES WILSON HACKETT, Ph. D.

Professor of Latin American History in the University of Texas

VOLUME II

WASHINGTON, D. C
Published by the Carnegie Institution of Washington

1926

Carnegie Institution of Washington

PUBLICATION NO. 330, VOL. II

Papers of the Department of Historical Research
J. Franklin Jameson, Editor

&§t Borb Q0afttmore (press

BALTIMORE, MD., V. S. A,

PREFACE.

The historical documents in this volume constitute the third chapter,
or division, of the entire collection of transcripts of historical documents
that were compiled between 191 2 and 191 5 by Dr. and Mrs. Adolph F. A.
Bandelier under the patronage of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.
The only other published collection of miscellaneous documents relating
to Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century that will compare in volume
and subject-matter with the documents hereinafter published for the first
time are the Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil de la Nueva-
Vizcaya in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, fourth series,
volume III. (Mexico, 1857).

In this volume the same method has been followed with reference to
the chronological plan of organization of the historical materials, the
expansion of abbreviated words, the separation of words in the Spanish
text, punctuation, and accentuation as was indicated in the preface to
volume I.

With reference to the Spanish text and the corresponding translations
hereinafter published, some explanation is necessary. Many documents
were copied only in part by the Bandeliers, and, prior to 1918, the parts
thus copied were translated while the editor was associated with the
University of California. After the editor became a member of the
faculty of the University of Texas in 1918, he ascertained that his prede-
cessor in the chair of Latin American History, Dr. W. E. Dunn, had
had copied for the University of Texas Library many of the documents
which the Bandeliers had copied, either in whole or in part. As a result
the editor has been able to supply from the University of Texas tran-
scripts many omissions occurring in the Bandelier transcripts, and has
thus been able to publish the complete text of many documents of which
the Bandeliers copied only parts. All such additions to the Bandelier tran-
scripts as copied by the Bandeliers have been indicated by brackets in the
Spanish text as published hereinafter. No document, however, of which
the Bandeliers did not copy some part has been added from the University
of Texas collection of transcripts. On the other hand, wherever it has
been possible to do so, each document of which the Bandeliers copied
some part and of which a copy exists at the University of Texas has been
published complete. By making these additions, from the University of
Texas copies, of omissions occurring in the Bandelier copies of docu-
ments, much recopying has had to be done and much additional transla-
tion has had to be made after it had been assumed in 1918 that the Spanish
text and the corresponding English translations for this volume were
complete.

iii

iv Preface

As was the case in volume L, an asterisk (*) will be found in the table
of contents of this volume, immediately following the English transla-
tion of the title of each of those documents that were translated by
Dr. Priestley; a double asterisk (**) follows the English translation of
the titles of those documents that were translated by Mrs. Sanchez.
Where no such marks occur the document was translated by the editor,
with the exception that in the expediente beginning on page 244 and con-
tinuing through page 294 the translation was made by Dr. Lota May
Spell, curator of the Garcia Collection of Mexican History and Literature
at the University of Texas. To Dr. Spell for this and for other helpful
assistance the editor is under grateful obligation. Aside from the section
translated by Dr. Spell, all additional matter supplied from the University
of Texas transcripts has been translated by the editor.

The editor desires to express again his indebtedness to the same gener-
ous collaborators who are mentioned in the preface to volume I.

Charles Wilson Hackett.
Austin, Texas.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Preface

iii. nueva vlzcaya in the seventeenth century.

1. Introduction.

Nueva Vizcaya, a frontier province 3

Some notable events in the seventeenth-century history of Nueva

Vizcaya 35

Proposals for the defense and development of Nueva Vizcaya, 1693-

1698 71

2. Documents relating to Nueva Vizcaya in the sevententh century.

Al Audiencia de la nueva Galicia que haga la visita de la tierra como
esta ordenado saliendo a ella cada uno de los oydores por su turno
sin escusarse por ninguna causa. [Tordesillas, 24 de Julio de 1601.]
To the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, ordering it to perform the
visitation of the country as commanded, each of the oidores going
out for this purpose in his turn and being excused therefrom under
no circumstances whatever.* [Tordesillas, July 24, 1601.] 85

Al Virrey de la nueva espaiia con una Carta del dean de la nueva
Galicia en que dize lo que convernia que los religiosos de la conpafiia
de Jesus se encargasen de la conbersion de ciertos yndios para que
ponga en ello el rremedio y rrecaudo necessario. [Villalpando, 7 de
Febrero de 1602.]

To the viceroy of New Spain, inclosing a letter from the dean of
Nueva Galicia saying that it would be desirable that the religious
of the Company of Jesus should be placed in charge of the conver-
sion of certain Indians so that this work may be properly provided
for and improved.* [Villalpando, February 7, 1602.] 87

Al fiscal de la audiencia de la Nueva Galicia sobre que hagase oficio en
lo que toca a los casados quienes viven sin sus mugeres y acerca de
que espanoles no biven en pueblos de indios. [El Par do, 20 de
Noviembre de 1603.]

To the fiscal of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia ordering him to
take action in regard to married men who live apart from their
wives, and to see that Spaniards shall not live in Indian towns.*
[El Pardo, November 20, 1603.] 87

[Carta de Francisco de Urdinola] a su magestad. [Durango, 31 de
Marzo de 1604.]

[Letter of Francisco de Urdinola] to his Majesty.* [Durango,
March 31, 1604.] 89

Al obispo de la nueva Galicia que ponga remedio en los excesos que se
an entendido hazen los curas beneficiados y Religiosos que acuden
a la administracion de los sacramentos dexandolos sin pagarles nada
no embargante que de la Real hazienda se les da lo que an menester.
[Lerma, 29 de Junio de 1605.]

To the bishop of Nueva Galicia, directing him to correct the
abuses which it has been understood that the parish priests, bene-
ficed clergy, and regulars commit in the administration of the sacra-
ments, [demanding from the Indians compensation in services and
produce for this] and paying them nothing therefor, in spite of the
fact that they receive from the royal treasury amounts sufficient
for their expenses.* [Lerma, June 29, 1605.] 93

Respuesta al governador de la nueva Vizcaya en lo tocante a las salinas
de aquella provincia. [San Lorenzo, 3 de Septiembre de 161 1.]

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya concerning the salt
deposits of that province.* [San Lorenzo, September 3, 1611.] 95

v

vi Contents

PAGE

Servicios hechos a su Magestad Por El Cappitan don Hieronimo
Velasquez Davila [en Nueva Galicia, 1617.]

Services performed for his Majesty by Captain Don Jeronimo

Velasquez Davila [in Nueva Galicia. 1617.*] 95

Probanda de Miguel de Barrasa Residente en las Yndias de nueba
Espafia en la Villa de Durango : De los servicios que a echo a su
Magestad en los Reynos de Vigcaya y Galicia. [1618.]

Proof by Miguel de Barrasa, a resident of the villa of Durango,
New Spain, in the Indies, of services which he has performed for his

Majesty in the kingdoms of Vizcaya and Galicia.* [1618.] 97

Relacion breve y succinta de los sucesos que ha tenido la guerra de los
Tepehuanes de la governacion de la Nueva Vizcaya desde 15 de
Noviembre de 1616 hasta 16 de Mayo de 1618.

A brief and succinct account of the events of the war with the
Tepehuanes, government of Nueva Vizcaya, from November 15,

1616, to May 16, 1618.* 101

Provision Real Y Conducta de capitan de Ynfanteria de La ciudad de
Guadalajara al Cappitan Geronimo Velasquesz davilas. [1621.]

Royal writ and commission to Captain Jeronimo Velasquez Davila

as captain of infantry of the city of Guadalajara.** [1621.] 115

Papeles del Almirante Matheo de Vesga. [Gobernador y capitan gen-
eral de la provincia de Nueva Vizcaya. 14 de Deciembre de 1620
hasta 19 de Mayo de 1622.]

Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, [governor and captain -
general of the province of Nueva Vizcaya. December 14, 1620, to

May 19, 1622.]** 119

Del legajo de papeles tocantes a asuntos de los Indios revelados en
nueva Vizcaya. Governador Mateo de Vesga. [Mayo de 1624.]

From the bundle of papers touching upon the affairs of the rebel-
lious Indians of Nueva Vizcaya. Governor Mateo de Vesga.**

[May, 1624.] 137

Estado en que estaba Durango y la tierra, los edificios que an hecho
yglesias y monasteries el gran crezimyento que tuvo la provyncia y
govierno [de Nueva Vizcaya. 1624.]

The condition of Durango and of the country, the buildings,
churches, and monasteries that were constructed, and the great
development of the province and government [of Nueva Vizcaya.

1624.] 145

Relacion que se le vino [Pedro Coronado] azer al gobernador del
estado de unas provyncias y de las battalias que tubo con ellos y
rendimiento y ordenes que se dieron. [Durango, provincia de Nueva
Vizcaya, 30 de Abril de 1625.]

Report which [Pedro Coronado] came to make to the governor
concerning the state of some of the provinces, and the battles that
took place with [the Indians], their submission, and the orders that
were given.** [Durango, province of Nueva Vizcaya, April 30,

1625.] 147

Razon Y minuta de los yndios que se administran en las provincias
de la nueba Vizcaia Por los Vicarios Veneficiados y rrelixiosos de
San Francisco y compafiia de Jesus que hoy estan bautizados. [1625.]

Account and memorandum of the baptized Indians governed in the
provinces of Nueva Vizcaya by the vicars, beneficiaries, and re-
ligious of the Order of Saint Francis and of the Company of

Jesus.** [1625.] 153

Al presidente de Guadalaxara sobre el modo de escrivir cartas a Su
Magestad. Febrero 12 de 1642.

To the president of Guadalajara, concerning the form [to be ob-
served] in writing letters to his Majesty.* [February 12, 1642.] 159

Contents vii

PACE

Al Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya guarde las cedulas que estan
dadas, para que no se hagan esclavos a los Yndios Y los conserven
en paz quietud Y Justicia. [Madrid, 30 de Noviembre de 1647.]

To the governor of Nueva Vizcaya ; ordering him to observe the
cedulas which have been issued in order that the Indians may not be
enslaved, and that they may be kept peaceful and quiet, and that they
may be accorded justice.* [Madrid, November 30, 1647.] 161

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana que ymforme sobre el Presidio, que
havisa combiene formar de nuebo el Governador de la Nueva Viz-
caya. [Madrid, 18 de Enero de 1648.]

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to report concerning
the presidio which the governor of Nueva Vizcaya recommends to
be established anew.* [Madrid, January 18, 1648.] 163

Respuesta al Presidente de Guadalaxara ssobre Un papel que remitio,
que le dio un Religioso de San f rancisco ssobre materias de Religion
Conversiones y Contribuciones que los Yndios hacen al barbaro
Maiarita. [Madrid, 30 de Noviembre de 1649.]

Reply to the president of Guadalajara concerning a document
that he sent, which was given to him by a religious of the Order of
Saint Francis, relative to affairs of religion, conversions, and the
contributions which the Indians pay to the barbarian Maiarita .*
[Madrid, November 30, 1649.] 165

Ynforme que hace El Padre C. fray lorengo Canto Religioso de la
Seraphica Orden de nuestro Padre San francisco A el Sefior Don
Diego Guajardo fajardo Governador y capitan general de el Reyno
de la Vizcaya, y sus probincias, y a los religiosos Prelados y
Superiores de la dicha Orden. [Santiago de Babonoyaba, 21 de
Mayo de 1650.]

Report which Father Fray Lorenzo Cantu, a religious of the
Seraphic Order of our Father Saint Francis, makes to Sefior Don
Diego Guajardo Fajardo, governor and captain-general of the king-
dom of Nueva Vizcaya and its provinces, and to the religious, pre-
lates, and superiors of the said order.* [Santiago de Babonoyaba,
May 21, 1650.] 167

Respuesta al Governador de la Nueva vizcaia sobre la reducion de los
Yndios de Sonora. [Madrid, 27 de Marzo de 165 1.]

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya concerning the reduction
of the Indians of Sonora. [Madrid, March 27, 1651.] 171

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espafia ynforme ssobre lo que propone el
governador de la Nueva Vizcaya cerca de la provission de las plagas
de los presidios de su districto. [Buen Retiro, 23 de Mayo de 1652.]
To the viceroy of New Spain, asking him to report on the pro-
posal of the governor of Nueva Vizcaya with reference to the enlist-
ment of soldiers in the presidios of his district.* [Buen Retiro,
May 23, 1652.] 173

Respuesta al Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya ssobre despoblar la
provincia de Sonora. [Buen Retiro, 23 de Mayo de 1652.]

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, concerning the depopu-
lation of the province of Sonora.* [Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652.].. 177

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana guarde la zedula en esta incerta ssobre
el aumento y alivio de los Yndios de la Nueva Galicia y ynforme
ssobre ello como esta mandado. [Madrid, 24 de Julio de 1652.]

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to observe the cedula
inclosed herewith concerning the improvement and relief of the
Indians of Nueva Galicia, and to report on the situation as he has
been commanded.* [Madrid, July 24, 1652.] 179

viii Contents

PAGE

LaCiudad de Guadalaxara 23 de Agosto de 1664. A su Magestad.
Recibida 30 de mayo 665.

The City of Guadalajara. August 23, 1664. To his Majesty. Re-
ceived May 30, 1665.** 185

[Informe del Gobernador Antonio de Oca Sarmiento al Sefior Virrey
El Parral, 12 de Marzo de 1667.

Report of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento to the sefior

viceroy. El Parral, March 12, 1667.] 189

[Carta del Governador Antonio de Oca Sarmiento a la Reyna. San
Joseph del Parral, 19 de Marzo de 1667.

Letter of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento to the Queen. San

Joseph del Parral, March 19, 1667.] 195

Al Virrey de Nueva Espafia Sobre que se quite una ymposicion que
los Governadores de la Nueva Vizcaya han hecho a los Yndios de
aquella Provincia y avisse los motivos que Huvo para ello con lo
demas que se le ordena. [Madrid, 22 de Junio de 1670.]

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering the removal of an impost
which the governors of Nueva Vizcaya have laid upon the Indians
of that province, and asking him to report the reason for levying it,

and to comply with other orders.* [Madrid, June 22, 1670.] 201

Al Obispo de la Nueva Vizcaya sobre que se observe lo dispuesto
en las cedulas ariva ynsertas en que se manda que los Curas
doctrineros sean examinados por los Prelados en la lengua de los
Yndios. [Madrid, 6 de Septiembre de 1670.].

To the bishop of Nueva Vizcaya, commanding observance of the
provisions of the cedulas inserted above, in which it is ordered that
parish priests be examined in the language of the Indians by the prel-
ates.* [Madrid, September 6, 1670.] 203

Al Virrey de la Nueva espafia que ynforme ssobre si conbendra
agregar al Governador de la nueva Vizcaya el Govierno de los Presi-
dios de sinaloa el cerro gordo y san sevastian de aquella provincia.
Corregida. Con duplicado. Duplicose. [Madrid, 6 de Septiembre de
1670.]

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to report as to
whether it would be fitting to assign to the governor of Nueva Viz-
caya the control of the presidios of Sinaloa, Cerro Gordo, and San
Sebastian, of that province. Corrected ; with a duplicate. Let it be

duplicated. [Madrid, September 6, 1670.] 205

Al fiscal de la Audiencia de Guadalaxara dando reprezentacion por
haver pedido se ponga en Livertad a los Yndios del distrito de ella,
que tenian por esclavos. [Madrid, 13 de Diciembre de 1672.]

To the fiscal of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, offering acknowl-
edgments for his having asked that the Indians of that district whom
they hold as slaves be set at liberty. [Madrid, December 13, 1672.] . 205
A la Audiencia de Guadalajara dandolas Gracias por haver puesto en
livertad a los Yndios del distrito de ella, como esta mandado por
diferentes cedulas. [Madrid, 23 de Diciembre de 1672.]

To the Audiencia of Guadalajara, thanking its members for hav-
ing set at liberty the Indians of its district, as is commanded in

various cedulas.* [Madrid, December 23, 1672.] 207

A la Audiencia de Guadalajara, estrafiandole que no aya embiado al
Consejo los Autos de un Pleyto que siguio Don Fernando de Haro
sobre el servicio Personal de los Yndios de las Provincias de Sonora
y Sinaloa y mandando los remite sin dilacion. [Madrid, 2 de Abril
de 1676.]

To the Audiencia of Guadalajara, expressing surprise that it has
not sent to the Council the autos in a suit which Don Fernando de
Haro prosecuted concerning the personal service of the Indians

Contents ix

PACE

of the provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa, and commanding that it
forward them at once.* [Madrid, April 2, 1676.] 209

El Lizenciado Don Lope de Sierra Ossorio Oidor de la Real Audiencia
de Mexico, Gobernador y Capitan General que fue del Reino de la
Nueva Vizcaia, informa a Vuestra Magestad el estado de las cossas
de aquel Reino. [Mexico, 26 de Septiembre de 1678.]

The licenciado Don Lope de Sierra Ossorio, oidor of the royal
Audiencia of Mexico, former governor and captain-general of the
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, informs your Majesty of the state
of affairs of that kingdom.** [Mexico, September 26, 1678.] 211

Extracto de Papel que formo el Senor Don Lope de Sierra sobre las
cossas tocantes al Reyno de la Nueba Vizcaya. [Sin fecha. Sub-
secuente al ano de 1683.]

Extract of a paper which Don Lope de Sierra wrote in regard to
matters touching upon the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya.** [Undated ;
subsequent to the year 1683.] 219

Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, Governador de la Nueba Vizcaya, A su
Magestad. Parral, 21 de Noviembre 1688. Recibida por mano de
Don Bernardino Pardinas su hermano en 16 de Agosto de 1689.

Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, governor of Nueva Vizcaya, to his
Majesty. Parral, November 21, 1688. Received by the hand of Don
Bernardino Pardinas, his brother, on August 16, 1689.** 229

Autos Fechos por el Senor Gobernador y Capitan General de la Nueba
Vizcaya Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos sobre las
Noticias que Dieron los Yndios del Rio del Norte de que Subian por
el Naciones Extrangeras y Providencia que Dio sobre ello. [3 de
Noviembre de 1688 hasta 8 de Julio de 1692.]

Autos drawn up by the senor governor and captain-general of
Nueva Vizcaya, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos,
concerning the information which the Indians of the Rio del Norte
gave, namely, that foreign nations were ascending the river, and
the measures taken in regard to it. [November 3, 1688, to July 8,
1692.] 235

[Documentos escogidos del expediente intitulado :] Testimonio de
Los auttos hechos sobre las Providencias dadas en tiempo de Don
Gabriel de el Castillo Governador de el Parral Sobre operaciones de
Guerra Y otros puntos. [31 de Mayo de 1691 hasta 9 de Febrero de
1694.] Bino con carta del Virrey de 16 de abril de 1695.

[Documents selected from the expediente entitled:] Certified copy
of the autos made concerning the action taken during the administra-
tion of Don Gabriel del Castillo, governor of El Parral, with respect
to military operations and other matters. [May 31, 1691, to February
9, 1604.] It came with a letter of the viceroy of April 16, 1695 291

[Documentos escogidos del expediente intitulado:] Testimonio de
Cartas y ynformes sobre los Presidios del Reino de la Vizcaya
Escritas por el Maestre del Campo Don Joseph Francisco Marin,
Cavallero del Orden de Santiago y Otras Personas expertas, e
ynteligentes Remitidas al Excelentisimo Senor Virrey Conde de
Galve. [3 de Agosto hasta 30 de Septiembre de 1693.] Vino con
carta del Virrey de 15 de Junio de 1694.

[Selected documents from the expediente entitled :] Certified copy
of letters and reports concerning the presidios of the kingdom of
Vizcaya written by the maestre de campo, Don Joseph Francisco
Marin, knight of the Order of Santiago, and other expert and well-
informed persons, sent to the most excellent senor viceroy the
Count of Galve. [August 3 to September 30, 1693.] It came with a
letter from the viceroy of June 15, 1694 365

x Contents

PAGE

El Virrey de la Nueva Espana da quenta a Vuestra Magestad con
testimonio de Autos del estado y operaciones del Reino de la Nueba
Vizcaya, ordenes y asistencias que ha dado para su manutencion, y
propone los medios Con que podra mantenerse en seguridad y
quietud por lo de adelante. [Mexico, 15 de Junio de 1694.]

The viceroy of New Spain gives account to your Majesty, with a
certified copy of autos, relating to the state and operations of the
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, and the orders which he has taken for
its maintenance. He suggests the means by which it may be main-
tained in peace and security in the future.** [Mexico, June 15,
1694J , • 4ii

Comision nombrando a Don Carlos de Andrade y Sotomayor Comi-
sario del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en la Villa de Aguas
Calientes. [Villa de Aguas Calientes, 2 de Abril de 1695.]

Commission naming Don Carlos de Andrade y Sotomayor Comi-
sario of the Holy Office of the Inquisition at the town of Aguas
Calientes.** [Villa de Aguas Calientes, April 2, 1695.] 413

El Virrey da quenta de lo executado en la nueba Vizcaya por su
governador Don Gabriel del Castillo, y los capitanes de aquellos
presidios todo a fin de castigar los Indios Rebeldes que cada dia
executan nuebas muertes y atrocidades con los traxinantes y
Vezinos, y de las providencias que ha dado, Remitiendose en todo a
los autos que embia con esta carta. Sobre esto mismo hay expediente
en poder del Senor fiscal con carta del Governador don Gabriel del
Castillo en que trata del estado de el Reyno de la Nueva Vizcaya y
sus Presidios. [Mexico, 16 de Noviembre de 1695.]

The viceroy gives account of what has been done in Nueva
Vizcaya by its governor, Don Gabriel del Castillo, and the captains
of those presidios, all for the purpose of chastising the rebellious
Indians who each day are committing fresh murders and atrocities
on carriers and citizens, and of the measures that he has taken,
transmitting the autos touching upon everything which he sends with
this letter. There is an expediente upon this same subject in the
possession of the senor fiscal, with a letter from the governor,
Don Gabriel del Castillo, in which he treats of the state of the
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya and of its presidios.** [Mexico, Novem-
ber 16, 1695.] 415

Respuesta Fiscal Sobre Diferentes Puntos de Guerra con los Yndios
Enemigos del Reyno del Parral Motibados de Diferentes Ynformes
del Virrey de Mexico Conde de Galve, Y de las Consultas de Don
Gabriel del Castillo Governador de la Dicha Ciudad del Parral.
[Madrid, 1 de Abril de 1698.]

Reply of the fiscal concerning various questions relating to the
war with the hostile Indians of the kingdom of El Parral which
were raised by different reports of the viceroy of Mexico, the Count
of Galve, and by the opinions of Don Gabriel del Castillo, governor
of the said city of El Parral.** [Madrid, April 1, 1698.] 419

Respuesta fiscal a la Carta de oficiales Reales. Reconozido del senor
fiscal. [Madrid, 2 de Abril de 1698.]

Reply of the fiscal to the letter of the royal officials. Acknowl-
edged by the senor fiscal.** [Madrid, April 2, 1698.] 459

Notes for Part III 464

Appendix : A. Parchment inscribed with Letters of Larcheveque and Groslet . . 470

B. Fragments of the Log of the Belle 474

Index 483

Contents xi

ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE

Map of Northwestern Mexico, formerly Nueva Vizcaya Frontispiece

Parchment, with the Drawing of Ship, and Letters of Larcheveque and

Groslet Opp. p. 257

Fragments of the Log of the " Belle " Following p. 476

V

III. NUEVA VIZCAYA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

III. i. INTRODUCTION.
Nueva Vizcaya: a Frontier Province.

i. The geographical extent of Nueva Vizcaya. In a preceding chapter
narrating the expansion of Spain in North America to 1590, a brief
account was given of the establishment in 1562 of the new political juris-
diction of Nueva Vizcaya and of its limits and development until near
the close of the sixteenth century.1 At the close of the seventeenth cen-
tury the so-called kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya still comprised an area
imperial in extent. As defined in 1693, the boundary of Nueva Vizcaya
began ten or twelve leagues below Durango, the capital, at a point said to
be in 240 20' north latitude. Thence it passed in a northeasterly direction,
delimiting on the south and east the province of Nueva Galicia, to a
point on the western boundary of the kingdom of Nuevo Leon. From there
the boundary between Nueva Vizcaya and Nuevo Leon ran in a northerly
direction, between Saltillo and the villa of Monterey, capital of Nuevo
Leon, to the newly created province of Coahuila,2 the southern boundary
of which in 1674 had been established about twenty leagues north of
Saltillo.3 Thence the boundary between Nueva Vizcaya and Coahuila
passed south and west of Monclova and then again turned north and con-
tinued to the Rio del Norte. From the point where the boundary reached
the Rio del Norte to the presidio of El Paso the kingdom of Nueva
Vizcaya stretched to the northeast " to such a longitude " that the boun-
dary was " considered to extend as far as the Colbert [Mississippi]
River ".

On the north, Nueva Vizcaya extended " as far as the presidio of El
Paso ", described as being " in latitude thirty-two degrees, less one-
third ", and from where " the bounds of New Mexico bear towards its
capital which is Santa Fe ". To the northwest, the kingdom of Nueva
Vizcaya extended " as far as latitude thirty-seven degrees and fifteen
minutes ", or to the New Mexican provinces of Zuni and Moqui. To the
west of Nueva Vizcaya proper lay the provinces of Rosario, Sinaloa, and

1 Volume I., this series, pp. 14-18.

2 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, this volume, p. 389.

3 H. E. Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1 542-1706 (New York, 1916),
pp. 285-286.

2 3

4 Introduction

Sonora,4 the last two of which were administrative subdivisions of Nueva
Vizcaya.5

In a jurisdiction of the magnitude of Nueva Vizcaya it is not surpris-
ing that it was commonplace to refer to distances that sometimes mounted
into the hundreds of leagues. From Mexico City to Durango the dis-
tance was about 230 leagues;6 that from Guadalajara to the Real de
Cusiguriachi, "in the centre of the Tarahumara nation", was 250 leagues.7
Northwest of Durango 150 leagues was the important presidio of Sina-
loa ; 8 in the same general direction from Durango the kingdom of Nueva
Vizcaya extended for almost 300 leagues.9

The most important settlement after Durango was the Real del Parral,
which was between seventy and one hundred leagues north of the capital.10
West of the Real del Parral 200 leagues was San Juan Bautista, the capi-
tal and most important settlement of the alcaldia mayor of Sonora.11 One
hundred leagues north of the Real del Parral was the presidio of Janos,
which was seventy leagues southwest of the New Mexico frontier at
El Paso.12 Eighty leagues northeast of the Real del Parral was the
important post of La Junta,13 at the junction of the Conchos and Rio
Grande rivers. In 1618 the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya was described as
being "almost 250 leagues long and nearly so wide";14 in 1678 an

4 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, this volume, p. 389. The geogra-
phy of the Pacific coast region of northwestern New Spain in the seventeenth century
as given by H. H. Bancroft, History of the North Mexican States and Texas, I. (San
Francisco, 1884), pp. 202-204, is as follows: The names Chiametla and Rosario were
applied "to the region lying between the rivers Cafias and Mazatlan. . . . Next north-
ward, between the rivers Mazatlan and Piastla, was Copola. . . . Culiacan extended
from Piastla to the Rio Culiacan. . . . Next we find Sinaloa, often described as lying
between Culiacan and Rio Mayo but whose limit was more properly the Rio del Fuerte,
or possibly the Alamos. . . . The name was originally that of a tribe dwelling on the
stream called Rio del Fuerte . . . thence it was extended from tribe and river to
province and capital; then from the capital over several provinces within the gover-
nor's jurisdiction as far north as the Rio Yaqui. . . . North of Sinaloa was Ostimuri,
which reached from the Alamos to the Rio Yaqui. . . . All the country north of the
Yaqui was sometimes called Sonora. . . . Yet it was more common among the Jesuits
to restrict the name to the valley where it originated ".

5 De la Fuente to Almazan, Janos, Sept. 18, 1693, p. 371, infra; Bancroft, op. cit.,
PP. 255, 520.

6 Don Lope de Sierra Osorio to the king, Mexico, Sept. 26, 1678, p. 211, infra; Marin
to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 391, infra.

7 Fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, p. 461, infra.

8 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 109, infra.

9 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 389, infra.

10 Ibid., p. 391; informe of Lope de Sierra Osorio, p. 211, infra.

11 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 389, infra; Castillo to the viceroy,
Durango, Apr. 4 to May 2, 1693, p. 309, infra. See also H. E. Bolton, Kino's Historical
Memoir of Pimeria Alta, 1. (Cleveland, 1919), no, note.

12 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 393, infra ; A. E. Hughes,
The Beginning of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District, in the University of Cali-
fornia Publications in History, I. (Berkeley, 1914) 310-31 1.

13 Retana to Pardinas, Rio Salado, Mar. 3, 1693, p. 257, infra.

14 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 101, infra.

Introduction 5

ex-governor stated that Nueva Vizcaya was " almost four hundred
leagues square ".15

2. The potential wealth and natural advantages of Nueva Vizcaya.
The great potential and undeveloped wealth of Nueva Vizcaya and its
climatic and other natural advantages were themes upon which the gover-
nors of that kingdom in the seventeenth century never tired of discoursing.
Governor Urdifiola in 1604 assured the king that in all New Spain there
was " no land so rich in veins of silver as these provinces of Nueva Viz-
caya ",16 and Governor Oca Sarmiento in 1667 advised the king that
Nueva Vizcaya was " the richest province of New Spain ".17

Later governors waxed more enthusiastic and were more explicit than
Urdifiola and Oca Sarmiento in their praise of Nueva Vizcaya. Governor
Sierra Osorio in 1678, after asserting that Nueva Vizcaya was " the best
kingdom that your Majesty has in his entire crown ", said : " The Sierra
Madre which has its beginning near the port of Acapulco and extends
through New Mexico, without its end being known, traverses the centre
of this kingdom. The mountains into which it is divided are infinite, and
all are full of rich ores of silver and gold." Continuing, Governor Sierra
Osorio pointed out other advantages of Nueva Vizcaya, as follows !
" The level lands of which it is composed are very productive for all
kinds of crops and the raising of cattle and sheep, for there are many
rivers, arroyos, and springs which water them." 18 In a later report,
prepared subsequent to the year 1683, Sierra Osorio described Nueva
Vizcaya as " one of the most fertile kingdoms in the Indies, one most
abounding in all kinds of fruits and in silver and gold mines, and which,
if it were populated proportionately with the others, would contribute
more treasure to his Majesty than all the others ". Referring to the ex-
treme northeastern section of Nueva Vizcaya, Sierra Osorio said : " The
country of the Conchos is level, fertile, and watered by many rivers and
streams, following the line from San Francisco de Conchos as far as the
river called Del Norte." 19

No less enthusiastic than Sierra Osorio concerning Nueva Vizcaya and
its potentialities was Governor Don Juan Isidro Pardinas Villar de
Francos. Writing in 1688 he said: " It is a very fertile kingdom for in
it are grown all kinds of grain that are to be found in any other part of
America. It has the requisite cattle and sheep for its support; it is ex-
tremely rich in gold and silver ores, for there is no part in the whole of it
that does not show veins. . . . After I entered upon this governorship

15 In forme of Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 211, infra.

16 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 91, infra.

17 Oca Sarmiento's report to the viceroy, Mar. 12, 1667, p. 191, infra.

18 Inform e of Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, Sept. 26, 1678, p. 211, infra.

19 Extract of a paper prepared by Lope de Sierra Osorio, subsequent to 1683, pp. 219,
223, infra.

6 Introduction

there was discovered in that region [of the Tarahumare Indians] one
of the richest mineral deposits that has been encountered in these parts." 20

Unquestionably, one of the most favorable descriptions of Nueva Viz-
caya was that made by Don Joseph Francisco Marin, viceregal inspector
of Nueva Vizcaya in 1693. Writing in that year Marin said: " Heaven
favored this most extensive kingdom with a benign climate, as much so
as can be desired, and with great fertility of the land, for the plantings
produce most abundant crops, while cattle produce so abundantly that if
constant robberies of the Indians would allow them to increase, they
would have no value whatever. The province abounds in such a plenti ful-
ness of metals that the locality in its mountains where many and good
mines may not be found is rare indeed. All of the most experienced per-
sons in New Spain assert that the said kingdom has more silver than all
the rest of it [New Spain], and every day new discoveries of ores are
made." 21

3. The provincial administration of Nueva Vizcaya. As an adminis-
trative unit, the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya was a part of the viceroyalty
of New Spain.22 In administrative and military affairs the kingdom was
subject directly to the viceroy and captain-general of New Spain, and in
judicial matters to the Audiencia of Guadalajara.23 The provincial secu-
lar government of Nueva Vizcaya was almost wholly military, adminis-
tration being centred in the governor, who exercised the powers of captain-
general.24 During the early seventeenth century the governors resided
at Durango, or Guadiana, the provincial capital founded by Francisco de
Ibarra in 1563. Durango remained the nominal capital, but by the year
1667, and thereafter until the close of the seventeenth century, the gover-
nors were accustomed to reside at the Real del Parral,25 which, in 1678.

20 Pardinas to the king, El Parral, Nov. 21, 1688, p. 229, infra.

21 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 389, infra.

22 A cedula of July 21, 1691, specifically charged the governors of Nueva Vizcaya
" to report to the viceroy of New Spain concerning everything which they might accom-
plish, obeying the orders which the said viceroy might issue to them for their better
government." Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 421, infra.

23 The Audiencia of Guadalajara, which was founded in 1548, exercised political and
administrative authority in the province of Nueva Galicia, and judicial authority in that
province, and also in Nueva Vizcaya after it was created in 1562, as well as in other
northern provinces. Until 1572 judicial appeals might be made from the Audiencia of
Guadalajara to that of New Spain, but in the latter year a chancery was formed and a
separate seal of office was granted to the Audiencia of Guadalajara. Between 1572 and
1680 the audiencia, as an administrative body, exercised political authority in the
province of Nueva Galicia, but in the latter year the president of the audiencia was
entrusted with the administration of the province. See C. W. Hackett, vol. I., this series,
pp. 15, 21-22, and authorities cited; H. E. Bolton, Guide to Materials for the History
of the United States in the Principal Archives of Mexico (Washington, 1913), p. 75.

24 See Urdinola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 89, infra; the king to Governor
Guajardo Fajardo, Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652, ibid., p. 177; order of Governor Castillo
to General Retana, El Parral, Nov. 10, 1693, ibid., p. 345.

25 Oca Sarmiento to the viceroy, El Parral, Mar. 12, 1667, p. 189, infra ; Marin to the
viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, ibid., pp. 389, 391.

Introduction 7

was referred to as " the principal place in that kingdom ", and the one
that paid the king the greatest income.28

Fiscal matters of the kingdom, such as the collection of the king's fifth
from all mining production, the distribution of quicksilver, and the dis-
bursement of the budget, were attended to by royal treasury officials in
charge of the caja real, or royal depository, at Durango ; a fiscal agent
appointed and paid by these officials represented them at the Real del
Parral.27 The only town that enjoyed, through a municipal cabildo, any
degree of self-government was Durango. In ecclesiastical matters the
bishop of Durango and the ecclesiastical cabildo of that town stood at the
head of the secular clergy.28 At the head of the Franciscan regular clergy
was a custodio, with headquarters at the Real del Parral ; 29 two provin-
cials of the Jesuit regular clergy were stationed in Sinaloa.30

In the early part of the seventeenth century the province of Santa
Barbara appears to have been the most important subdivision of Nueva
Vizcaya; this does not appear to have been the case by the latter half of
the century. At that time it seems that the entire region from Durango
to the Real del Parral, and for one hundred leagues beyond, and com-
prising what might be termed Greater Nueva Vizcaya, was under the
immediate jurisdiction of the governor. In this latter period it appears
that no political subdivisions except Sinaloa and Sonora were referred to
as provinces.

The province of Santa Barbara in 1618 comprised five alcaldias;
important mining camps in the province, and, in some instances, seats of
alcaldias, were Guanecebi, San Juan de Inde, Santiago de Mapimi, Cuen-
came, San Juan del Rio, and Valle de San Bartolome.31 The first-named
camp was described in 16 18 as " the most important mining camp in the
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, and situated in the centre of the Tepehuane
country ".32 Because each of the five alcaldes of the province of Santa
Barbara was alleged to have taken advantage of his position as protector
of the Indians and as alcalde and to have utilized " for his own traffic "

26 Don Lope de Sierra Osorio to the king, Mexico, Sept. 26, 1678, p. 211, infra.
27Ursua to the viceroy, Durango, May 12, 1693, p. 319, infra; fiscal's reply, Mexico,
June 10, 1693, ibid., p. 319; informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, ibid., p. 217.

28 The bishopric of Durango was established in 1620 (Bancroft, op. cit., I. 307).
See also the fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 425, 427, infra.

29 Report of Governor Castillo, San Francisco de Conchos, Oct. 20, 1693, this volume,
p. 361, infra. The heads of the Franciscan order in New Spain were known as comisarios
generates. Next below them were provinciates, at the head of subdivisions known as
provinces. Subdivisions of provinces were known as custodias, at the heads of which
were custodios. The lowest subdivision in the organization of a regular religious order
was a presidency. At the head of such a group of missions was a president.

30 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 445, infra. For the definition of provincial,
see the preceding note.

31 Proof of the services of Miguel de Barrasa, 1618, pp. 09, 101, infra; papers of
Admiral Mateo de Vesga, ibid., pp. 123, 129; report on the condition of Durango,
1624, ibid., p. 145.

32 Account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 105, infra.

8 Introduction

the enforced labor of the Indians in his alcaldia, the king was petitioned,
but in vain, in 1618, to reduce the five alcaldias to one corregimiento33

The most important administrative subdivision of Nueva Vizcaya in
the later seventeenth century was the province of Sinaloa,34 which, until
after the close of the seventeenth century, included Sonora.35 Until 1682
the viceroy had the right to appoint the captain of the garrison at San
Felipe y Santiago de Sinaloa; from the governor of Nueva Vizcaya the
captain " received the appointment of alcalde mayor . . . and was often
called governor of Sinaloa ".36

However, until about the middle of the seventeenth century Sinaloa
was practically ignored by the governors of Nueva Vizcaya.37 On the
other hand, appointees of the viceroy in that province arrogated unto
themselves the garrisoning of it and even endeavored to extend their
authority into Sonora.38 The result was, as will be shown, that a bitter
dispute arose about the middle of the century between the viceroys and
the governors of Nueva Vizcaya over the rights of each in that province.
Finally, in 1682 a royal cedula placed Sinaloa under the undivided
authority of the governor of Nueva Vizcaya.39 Eleven years later, in
1693, Sonora, which theretofore had been administered as a part of
Sinaloa, was detached therefrom. Thenceforth, until 1734, Sinaloa and
Sonora were administered by different military commandants, " each of
whom was subject in civil and political matters to the governor of Nueva
Vizcaya ".40

4. The Indians. According to Orozco y Berra and Bancroft,41 the
kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century was occupied by
several well-defined linguistic groups of Indians, the most important of
which were the Tepehuanes, the Acaxees and Xiximes, the Tarahumares,

38 Proof of the services of Miguel de Barrasa, 1618, p. 101, infra. For a definition
of corregimiento and for arguments for and against it, see vol. I., this series, pp. 24-25,

125, 135-139, 143-145.

34 In 1622 the title of " governor and captain-general of this kingdom and the
provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Chiametla, Copala, and Sinaloa, and their provinces " was
borne by one of the governors of Nueva Vizcaya (see papers of Admiral Mateo de
Vesga, 1620-1622, p. 119, infra; report of Pedro Coronado, 1625, ibid., p. 147. Such a
comprehensive title does not appear to have been borne by his successors. For the
geographical location of the above-named provinces, see note 4, supra.

35 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 204) says that " throughout nearly the whole century Sinaloa
is the best general name for the whole territory ".

36 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 207 ; see also the extract of a paper prepared by Sierra Osorio,
subsequent to 1683, p. 227, infra.

37 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 89, infra; the king to the governor
of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Mar. 27, 1651, ibid., p. 171.

38 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Mar. 27, 165 1, ibid.

39 Extract of a paper prepared by Sierra Osorio, undated, p. 227, infra; De la Fuente
to Almazan, Janos, Sept. 18, 1693, ibid., p. 373.

40 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 255, 520.

41 M. Orozco y Berra, Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta Etnogrdiica de Mexico
(Mexico, 1864), pp. 310-356; Bancroft, op. cit., I. 309-319, especially p. 310 for Orozco y
Berra* s map of Nueva Vizcaya.

Introduction 9

the Conchos, and the Tobosos. The first-named group occupied the heart
of the southern half of Nueva Vizcaya, or the region lying on either side
of the direct road, seventy leagues long, that led from Durango northwest
to the Real del Parral. To the west of the Tepehuanes, extending almost
to the Gulf of California and north almost to the Sinaloa River, in the
region known as Topia, was the home of the Acaxees, Xiximes, and kin-
dred tribes. Northwest of the Tepehuanes and extending for about two-
thirds of the one hundred leagues that separated the Real del Parral and
the presidio of Janos was the region occupied by the Tarahumare Indians.
Northeast of El Parral, in the valley of the Conchos River, were the
Conchos Indians. To the northeast of the Tepehuanes and to the east
of the Conchos Indians were the Tobosos and Coahuila Indians.

A much more comprehensive grouping of the Indians of Nueva Viz-
caya in the seventeenth century than that of Orozco y Berra and Ban-
croft— a geographical rather than a linguistic grouping — was prepared
by Don Joseph Francisco Marin, viceregal visitor of Nueva Vizcaya in
1693. Marin divides Nueva Vizcaya into three major geographic areas,
and for each area lists the tribes living therein. The sum total of tribes
listed by Marin is 159. In some cases Marin recorded the indigenous
names of the* tribes; in other cases the tribal names as given are merely
descriptive Spanish phrases.

According to Marin, seventy-eight nations, the names of which are
hereinafter published, lived between Durango and La Junta de los Rios,42
a distance of between 150 and 180 leagues. The last eighteen nations in
this list were discovered by General Juan de Retana on an expedition
which he made to La Junta in July, 1693.43

On the opposite side of the Rio del Norte from La Junta and between
the Texas country and New Mexico there were, according to Marin,
fifty-four nations of Indians, the names of which are hereinafter pub-
lished. They were described as " more peaceful than war-like ", although
the Apaches were said to harass them continuously. In the region between
the Rio Conchos on the east, New Mexico on the north, and the Gulf of
California and the Colorado River on the west, there were, according to
Marin, twenty-seven different nations, some of which, as the Pimas and
the Apaches Cruzados, were numerous and wide-spread.44

The total number of Indians in Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth cen-
tury cannot be approximated. However, according to Don Lope de Sierra
Osorio, ex-governor of Nueva Vizcaya, and later an oidor of the Audien-
cia of Mexico, the native population was very large. Writing in 1678
Sierra Osorio said : " Within the jurisdiction of the kingdom of Nueva
Vizcaya there are many distinct nations, some of which are very large.

42 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 393, 395-

43 Ibid., p. 395.

44 Ibid.

10 Introduction

Those of the Tepehuanes, Tarahumares, and Conchos alone, in what has
been explored, will total 300,000 families . . . each one [nation] occu-
pying one hundred and fifty leagues of mountain range. When the In-
dians at the last point to which the padres have gone are questioned as to
whether there are more Indians further on, and on either side, they reply
that the multitude is innumerable in every direction. Solely on the Rio
del Norte . . . there are so many nations that with all their efforts the
padres who are in that vicinity have not been able to learn their names." 45

With respect to the Tobosos Indians, Sierra Osorio said in 1678 that
eleven nations of hostiles lived to the right of the highway from Durango
to El Parral, and that, " because the bravest among them are the Tobosos,
all are commonly called by that name ".46 Captain Juan Bautista de
Escorza, after he had made a reconnoitring expedition through the coun-
try to the east of Durango and El Parral in 1693, reported that he had
found " many new people among the enemy, for the hostile Tobosos do
not make up even the fourth of them ",47

With reference to the Conchos Indians, Sierra Osorio, subsequent to
1683, said: "The other nations lately in rebellion . . . have different
names such as Chizos, Julimes, and others which it is impossible to remem-
ber, included under the general appellation of Conchos, which is the more
general name." 48

At different periods during the seventeenth century the Indian problem
for the Spaniards of Nueva Vizcaya was different. During the first three-
quarters of the seventeenth century the Spaniards were engaged in the
pacification and Christianization, primarily, of the Tepehuanes, Acaxees,
Tarahumares, and Conchos Indians. The task was no easy one ; nor does
the credit for such success as was attained belong to any one governor or
Indian fighter. Governor Urdifiola boasted in 1604 that as the result of
a seven months' campaign he had " reduced to twenty-four the seventy-
odd villages and rancherias " of the Acaxees in the Sierra of San An-
dres.49 That Governors Alvear, Mateo de Vesga, and Luis Valdes be-
tween 1 6 16 and 1646 concentrated their greatest efforts on subduing the
Tepehuanes, Tarahumares, Conchos, and other allied tribes, with the out-
come long in the balance, is abundantly demonstrated in documents here-
inafter published.50

After the middle of the century greater success attended the Spaniards
in the pacification and conversion of these Indians. In 1678 ex-Governor

45 Informe of Sierra Osorio, Mexico, 1678, p. 215, infra.

46 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 213, infra; cf. paper prepared by him,
ibid., p. 219.

47 Escorza to Castillo, Cerro Gordo, July 13, 1693, p. 323, infra.

48 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio, subsequent to 1683, p. 221, infra.

49 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 89, infra.

50 See the account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, pp. 101-115, infra; papers of
Governor Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1625, ibid., pp. 1 19-143; cedula to the governor of Nueva
Vizcaya, Nov. 30, 1647, ibid., pp. 161, 163; cedula to the viceroy of New Spain, ibid.,
pp. 163, 165.

Introduction 11

Sierra Osorio asserted that he had " reduced to peace " all of the Tobosos
Indians and had settled some of them at San Francisco de Conchos,61
twenty-two leagues northeast of the Real del Parral.52 Sierra Osorio also
reported that all of the Tepehuanes, Tarahumares, and Conchos Indians
were peaceable, and that a certain number of them, " though very small ",
had already been baptized and " reduced to the faith ". He added : " All
the nations in the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya and in New Mexico can be
reduced to our holy faith in greater facility than others, and at much less
cost, for, besides being the most gentle and docile, by special kindness of
God, there is no idolatry among them, nor do the inhabitants worship
anything living or dead. From this — since they do not practice idolatry
. . . — your Majesty will be able to infer with what facility they may be
reduced to our holy Catholic faith." 53

Five years later, in 1693, the viceregal visitor, Marin, said : " The
Tepehuanes Indians . . . for many years . . . have maintained strict
fidelity and obedience. . . . The Tepehuanes and Tarahumares . . . are
now highly Hispanicized, have some degree of culture, and greatly apply
themselves to the raising of cattle and the cultivation of their lands." M
Equally optimistic was Marin's report on the Indians of Sinaloa. " Any
uprising ought not to be feared there ", he said, " because its inhabitants
are naturally peaceable, are now rooted in the faith, and are devoted to
the cultivation of their farms and the raising of their cattle." 53

Despite some success of the Spaniards among the Tepehuanes, Tarahu-
mares, and other tribes, the last two decades of the seventeenth century in
general were characterized by marked apostasy among the Christianized
Indians, and by the unprecedented hostilities of the heathen Indians all
the way from Coahuila to Sonora. In part, these hostilities were inspired
by the success of the Pueblo Indian rebellion of 1680-1692 in New
Mexico ; 56 in large measure they were due to the " boldness and audacity "
of the Indians and to their desire to plunder and to harass.57 Captain
Escorza, after his reconnoitring expedition through the Toboso country
in 1693, reported that " the ancient enemies, who, under the name of
Tobosos, have invaded these kingdoms for many years, are now driven
by necessity itself and their own bad disposition to increase the ravages,
for, having consumed the thousands of cattle and horses that roamed
through these lands, they now have no recourse except to seize those
raised by the Spaniards on their estates ".58 Such was the hostility after

51 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 213, infra.

52 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio ; subsequent to 1683, p. 221, infra.

53 Informe of Sierra Osorio, pp. 215, 217, infra.

54 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 3C, 26Q3, pp. 391, 401, infra.

55 Ibid., p. 405; see also ibid., p. 389; and fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 447,
infra.

56 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio subsequent to 1683, p. 219, infra.

57 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 397, infra.

58 Escorza to Castillo, Cerro Gordo, July 13, 1693, .p. 325, infra.

12 Introduction

1680 of the heathen Indians that it was only by the most heroic efforts
that Governors Pardifias and Castillo between the years 1687 and 1695
saved the province, as is related hereinafter,59 from utter destruction.

The instigators and leaders of the hostiles during these years were the
ferocious and apostate Tobosos and their allies. Writing subsequent to
1683, ex-Governor Sierra Osorio said that the Tobosos were " so desper-
ate and valiant that they take or give no quarter and they make slaves of
all the women and children whom they capture ".60 Writing in 1693 tne
visitor Marin graphically described the adept cunning and stratagem em-
ployed by the hostiles in attacking the Spaniards both on the highways
and on their ranches.61 With reference to the perfidy of the Tobosos,
Marin said : " They have failed time without number in the obedience
which they promised, being apostates from the Evangelical law, which
they profess, and the most pernicious and malevolent among them all.
Furthermore they are the ones who instigate and turn many other nations
among the Spaniards by exciting them with the great amount of booty
which they have acquired through the carelessness of the latter." 62 Marin
further reported that these hostiles entered Nueva Vizcaya " at the junc-
tion of the Rio Florido and the Rio Conchos and by way of San Antonio,
Las Cafias, La Herradura, Mapimi, and Rio Nazas ".63

The Indians that harassed the eastern and central sections of Nueva
Vizcaya in the later seventeenth century were not only extremely fero-
cious but were in a low stage of culture and in some instances were even
cannibalistic. With reference to the Tobosos Indians and their environ-
ment, ex-Governor Sierra Osorio said in 1678: " In all their land there
is no river, arroyo, or spring that is perennial ; neither do they have towns
nor do they plant crops, and, so far as I have observed on two occasions
when I have passed through part of the region, there are neither birds nor
animals." 64 In a later report Sierra Osorio said that the rebellious and
barbarous Indians sustained themselves " more like wild beasts than as
rational beings, by drinking filthy and corrupt water from some few
lagoons, and the pools that the rain leaves for a while in the hollows of
the rocks. When these fail they sustain themselves with juice of the wild
fruits, roots, and the bark of plants and trees. At the same time they
steal some cattle or horses . . . for their greatest treat is this kind of
food. . . . And yet they are great endurers of hunger and thirst and
other inclemencies of the weather to which they are subject through
their exposure to the cold temperatures, as they use no other dress than

69 See correspondence and autos of Pardifias, 1688-1692, infra, pp. 235-289 ; autos
of Castillo, 1691-1694, ibid., pp. 291-362; autos and reports of Marin, 1693, pp. 365-411;
fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 419-457.

60 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio subsequent to 1683, p. 219, infra.

61 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 397, infra.

62 Ibid., p. 401.

63 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 437, infra.

64 Informe of Sierra Osorio, Mexico, 1678, p. 213, infra.

Introduction 13

that granted them by nature. They have no settlement, nor community
cultivation or planting of the land ".65

Sierra Osorio's description of the culture of the eastern Indians was
corroborated by the visitor Marin in 1693. He said that the hostiles lived
in the open like beasts, " obtaining their food by hunting, and much of the
time living on reptilian animals ".66 Marin also reported that " their
principal food consists of horses and mules, and any filth that they may
,find, even sometimes the bodies of Spaniards, as has many times hap-
pened ".67 Other evidence of cannibalism was not lacking. General
Retana, a famed Indian fighter, reported in 1693 tnat some old women
of the Chizos Indians had eaten alive a young Spanish female captive.68

There is no evidence that the Tepehuanes or Tarahumares, in the centre
of the kingdom, were cannibals, but the ferocity of the latter is revealed
by the fact that when a Spaniard was captured in the Tarahumare country
in June, 1693, fifteen leagues from El Parral, the Indians skinned him
alive " and committed other inhumanities that are not to be told ".69

Comparable to the ferocious and pernicious Tobosos and other hostiles
on the eastern and northeastern frontiers of Nueva Vizcaya were the
Pimas and Apaches, in the northwestern province of Sonora. In 1693
the visitor Marin pointed out the necessity of " curbing the pride of the
enemy Apaches and the numerous and wide-spread Pima nations ", who,
he said, were " constantly attacking and committing hostilities " upon the
inhabitants of Sonora. These Indians, Marin said, were accustomed to
" enter by one of the following three routes — first through the Valle de
Caaguiona, which is thirty leagues distant from the Real de San Juan;
second, through the Valle de Babispe ; third, by that of Teuricache, nine
leagues from the Real de Nacosari (which the enemy have almost depopu-
lated by their constant raids)".70

In view of the character of the hostile Indians of Nueva Vizcaya, it is
not surprising that various officials should have recommended that a war
of extermination should be waged against them. Ex-Governor Sierra
Osorio, for example, stated that in his opinion there was more justifica-
tion in making war upon the hostiles and in enslaving them than there
was in fighting and in enslaving the Turks, " for the latter ", he argued,
" although they are the declared enemies of all Christendom, give quarter
to all those who surrender without reaching the point of imbruing them-
selves in the blood of those who by their sex, age or profession are de-
fenseless ".71 Similar or even more drastic recommendations were later

65 Paper prepared by Sierra Osorio subsequent to 1683, p. 221, infra.

66 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 401, infra.

67 Ibid., p. 397-

68 Ibid. ; auto of Retana, pehol of Santa Marta, July 30, 1693, p. 335, infra.
09 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4 to May 2, 1693, p. 305, infra.

70 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 399, infra.

71 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 213, infra.

14 Introduction

made by Governors Pardinas and Castillo and by the viceregal visitor
Marin between 1688 and 1693.

Although not a resident of Nueva Vizcaya proper, one of the unique
characters of the northern frontier was Don Diego de Valdes, chief of
the Nadadores tribe of Indians of Coahuila. Valdes won the respect and
confidence not only of civilians and officials of the frontier, but even
of the viceroy of New Spain. Injustices that were done him were the
bases for the pronouncement of important regulations for the protection
of loyal Indians by the viceroy.

The loyalty of Valdes to the Spaniards and the aid that he had ren-
dered to various military expeditions of the Spaniards against the hostile
Indians were abundantly attested by certifications of captains and mili-
tary chiefs of the frontier. His most highly prized possession, however,
was a commission, and a " staff as governor of the Nadadores nation ",
which the Count of Monclova, viceroy of New Spain between the years
1686 and 1688, had given him. For some unexplained reason this staff
was taken from Don Diego de Valdes — an act which filled him " with
the greatest grief " — by Alonso de Leon,72 governor of Coahuila, prior
to the latter's death in March, 1691.73 Through his attorney, Cristobal
Vicente de Rivera, Don Diego petitioned the viceroy, the Count of Galve,
to name Sargento Mayor Juan Bautista de Escorza of Nueva Vizcaya
as protector of the Nadadores Indians, and to reinvest himself with author-
ity as governor and with " the said staff ". The petition having been taken
under advisement, the viceroy, upon the recommendation of the fiscal,
Dr. Don Benito de Novoa Salgado, conformed with this request on
May 31, 1 69 1. The viceroy instructed Escorza "to restore the staff of
authority " to Don Diego de Valdes and also " everything that may have
been taken, either from him or from other Indians, by Spaniards of bad
character ". Likewise he was to make reparations for damages done to
them. Under penalty of a fine of 500 pesos, all royal judges and justices
were forbidden to place any impediments or embarrassments in the way
of Escorza, and were instructed to expedite bills of indictment against
any one who did oppose him.

In his recommendations to the viceroy the fiscal had characterized the
action of Captain De Leon in having deprived Don Diego of his staff
as governor as " a very shameless effrontery, for what a viceroy gives an
inferior cannot take away without consultation ". Altogether in accord
with this attitude of his fiscal, the viceroy imposed a fine of 500 pesos
upon any captain who, in the future, should " without consultation remove
any person from an office filled by this Superior Government, for doing
otherwise is to proceed boldly ".74

72 Decree of the viceroy, the Count of Galve, with enclosures, Mexico, May 31, 1691,
PP. 335-339, infra.

73 W. E. Dunn, Spanish and French Rivalry in the Gulf Region of the United States,
1678-1702 (Austin, 1917), p. 129.

74 Decree of the viceroy, the Count of Monclova, with enclosures, pp. 337, 339, infra.

Introduction 15

Later the commission issued to Escorza as protector of the Nadadores
Indians was transferred by the viceroy to General Ignacio de Anaya. The
latter, on June 9, 1692, in the presence of Captain Diego Ramon, gover-
nor and captain of the presidio of Coahuila, formally notified Don Diego
de Valdes that he was ready to give him and all of the Nadadores Indians
" all the favor that his Excellency orders ". Don Diego was to be deprived
of his most highly prized possession, however, for Anaya recorded that
" as to the staff which his Excellency orders to be restored to him, it is
impossible to fulfill that order because Governor Alonso de Leon is dead
and no one knows in whose possession it was left ". Notwithstanding,
he instructed all of the Nadadores Indians " to hold the said Captain
Don Diego as their governor ".75

In July of the following year, 1693, some Chizos Indians from Nueva
Vizcaya made a campaign into Coahuila, and among the booty later taken
from them by General Juan de Retana was a " governor's title given to
Don Diego de Valdes by the Count of Galve ".76

Meanwhile Don Diego had continued to enjoy the respect and confi-
dence of at least two of his Spanish friends. On May 18, 1692, the month
before his title as governor was, by order of the Count of Galve, restored
to him, Don Juan Francisco Ruiz de Birbiesca commended Don Diego for
" founding a mission of New Indians " ; sent him as presents a cloak and
" a calabash full of rich brandy " ; and requested of him twenty-five In-
dian laborers, under a competent foreman, to harvest his wheat crop.77
Equally cordial was another letter sent to Don Diego on the same day
from Parras by Simon de Echavarria. The latter acknowledged the gift
from Don Diego of two buckskins, requested Don Diego to send him a
large bezal stone, and sent to the wife and son of Don Diego a blue baize
skirt-pattern and a blanket, respectively.78

5. The civilian population of Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century.
Throughout the entire seventeenth century Nueva Vizcaya remained
essentially a frontier province. The population of the kingdom was never
large, nor were the settlers ever very prosperous or secure from Indian
depredations, faf ts which the governors of the kingdom never ceased to
bemoan. In 1604 Governor Urdifiola referred to " the poverty and lack
of labor from which the settlers to-day in this large government suffer ".79
Durango in 1618 was a town of about one hundred settlers; 80 in 1693 it
was referred to as the metropolis of the kingdom.81 It was estimated in
1678 that the entire kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya did not " contain more

75 Auto of Anaya, Nadadores, June 9, 1692, pp. 339, 341, infra.

7 * Auto of Retana, penol of Santa Marta, July 30, 1693, p. 333, infra.

77 Birbiesca to Valdes, San Lorenzo, May 18, 1692, p. 341, infra.

78 Echavarria to Don Diego Chechole, Parras, May 18, 1692, p. 343, infra.

79 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 91, infra.

80 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 103, infra.

81 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 389, infra.

16 Introduction

than three hundred citizens ".82 Ten years later Governor Pardinas com-
plained that " the greater part of this kingdom has no Spanish population,
for, since the war in it has been continuous, the Spaniards do not ven-
ture to settle many parts that are very suitable for towns ".83 In 1693, at
which time the visitor Marin reported that Nueva Vizcaya was " being
depopulated . . . and despoiled of everything ", the number of Spanish
families living in the kingdom numbered " about five hundred, more or
less "."

The chief occupation of the settlers was mining and ranching. Despite
the fact that mining was considerably retarded " on account of the poverty
and sparseness of the population ", Governor Urdinola in 1604 reported
that in the district of San Andres and Guanecebi alone there were " more
than thirty discovered mines, and eight others in the valley of Santa
Barbara and its vicinity ".85

Even the frontier province of Conchos was described in 1667 as " one
of the most important of this kingdom, on account of the productions of
its farms and silver mines ".86 In the early '8o's there were said to have
been in the jurisdiction of El Parral and its vicinity " more than thirty
irrigated farms ", although at that time " not even four " had been planted
as a result of the Indian laborers having retired to the mountains.87

Despite the paucity of the Spanish population the annual production
of silver was very large. Governor Guajardo Fajardo, on October 7,
165 1, advised the king that a train of wagons was at that time ready to
leave with more than 20,000 marks of silver, which made a total of more
than 80,000 marks that had been despatched from Nueva Vizcaya that
year.88 By 1678 the annual production of silver in Nueva Vizcaya was
in excess of 150,000 marks, from which the king received " in fifths and
tithes nearly 200,000 pesos ". At the Real del Parral alone in a fourteen-
month period subsequent to 1678 there were mined 120,000 marks of
silver. Despite the great production of silver, the miners themselves ap-
pear not to have enjoyed opulence. Sierra Osorio, for instance, assured
the king in 1678 that "because of the great poverty of the miners and
excessive cost of the quicksilver and other ingredients " they were not able
to deepen the mines.89 Other exceedingly rich mining centres in the last
decade of the century besides El Parral were those of Cusiguriachi and
Urique,90 to the west of the Real del Parral.

82 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 215, infra.

83 Pardinas to the king, El Parral, Nov. 21, 1688, p. 229, infra.

84 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 391, 393, infra.

85 Urdinola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 91, infra.

86 Oca Sarmiento to the viceroy, El Parral, Mar. 12, 1667, p. 189, infra.

87 Extract of a paper prepared by Sierra Osorio, subsequent to 1683, p. 225, infra.

88 The king to the viceroy, May 23, 1652, p. 175, infra; the king to the governor of
Nueva Vizcaya, May 23, 1652, ibid., pp. 177, 179.

89 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, p. 217, infra.

90 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4 to May 2, 1693, this volume, p. 313, fiscal's
reply, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, p. 459, infra.

Introduction 17

A characterization of the frontier type of settler in Nueva Vizcaya that
is of human interest was made by the viceregal inspector Marin in 1693 J
it reveals a spirit of independence among the northward-moving Latins
that was as indomitable as that of the westward-moving Anglo-Americans
further north. Marin said : " This Real de Durango and the country sur-
rounding it are peopled by farmers, merchants, and miners, and the same
is true of the rest of the kingdom. Although they are solicitous for their
own welfare they appear to be solicitous also for the royal service. They
are much influenced by suavity and gentleness in their superiors, and the
opposite by harshness; in fact, as a result of their dispositions being
somewhat bellicose, they are extremely sensitive to the voices of some
people which are naturally harsh. For this reason whoever governs them
ought to employ all character of tact and gentleness and ought to accom-
modate himself to this knowledge. ... By following a few such prece-
dents he will keep them peaceful and obedient. The inhabitants readily
engage in lawsuits, and since from Durango to Sonora they do not have
a lawyer to advise them, each is a lawyer for himself, while all presume
that justice and right are on their side." 91

6. The military strength and presidial defenses of Nueva Vizcaya,
1 604- 1 6p 3. During the first three-quarters of the seventeenth century
the military forces of Nueva Vizcaya constituted a relatively simple
organization, under the immediate and personal command or close super-
vision of the governor. It was not until after 1680 that serious consid-
eration and constructive effort were applied to the creation of a unified
and well-organized chain of presidios and system of defense for the
kingdom.

The number of presidios in Nueva Vizcaya prior to 1686 has not been
ascertained, but that they were few is certain. Reference was made by
Governor Urdifiola in 1604 to a presidio in the country of the Acaxees
Indians, at which it had been possible to reduce the number of soldiers.92
In 16 1 7 Bartolome Juarez was referred to as " captain of the presidio of
San Hipolito among the Xiximes ", and Diego Martinez de Urdaide was
referred to as the " captain of Sinaloa ",93

At the outbreak of the Tepehuane rebellion in the latter part of 1616
it appears that there was not a presidio in the entire region north of
Durango. At least not one is mentioned in the account of a lengthy recon-
noitring and punitive expedition made by Governor Alvear through that
region between December 19, 16 16, and March 4, 1617. On this expedi-
tion, however, the governor left at Guanecebi " a presidio, with twenty-

91 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 407, 409, infra.

92 Urdifiola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, p. 89, infra. Urdaide (sometimes
spelled Hurdaide) was captain of the presidio of Sinaloa from 1600 to 1626. See H. E.
Bolton and T. M. Marshall, The Colonization of North America, 1492-1783 (New York,
1920), pp.237, 239.

93 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 109, infra.

18 Introduction

five soldiers, powder, and munitions ". Credence is given to the supposi-
tion that there were no presidios north of Durango prior to the establish-
ment of one at Guanecebi by the statement that during Governor Albear's
absence " the affairs of war of the kingdom and the defense of Guadiana
remained in charge of the lieutenant-general, Rafael de Gascue ".9*

In the course of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, the viceroy sent
re-enforcements from Zacatecas and San Luis and later three companies
of soldiers from Mexico City, " paid for eight months ". These soldiers
were distributed by the governor " where they would serve the best pur-
pose ". Before the rebellion was suppressed it was reported that the
governor proposed " to hold the territory by presidios and to protect the
roads by escorts ".95

During the administration of Governor Albear, 1620-1625, it appears
that little change was made in the defense system of the kingdom.
Cristobal Sanchez was " deputy chief-justice and captain of war of the
said province and of the residents of the Valley of San Bartolome ",
while Diego Martinez de Urdaide remained " captain of the said province
[of Sinaloa] and lieutenant-governor and captain-general " of it. Refer-
ence was also made to " the fort of Montesclaros " in Sinaloa.96

A proposal to establish a presidio north of Durango was taken under
advisement by the viceroy as early as 1646. The excuse for recom-
mending the establishment of this presidio was the rebellion near the
middle of the century of the Tepehuane, Salineros, and other Indians of
Nueva Vizcaya, at . which time Governor Valdes appealed to the viceroy
for aid of men and money. The request was granted and beneficent re-
sults followed; by the early part of 1646, at a cost to the crown of over
50,000 pesos, the governor had reduced 2000 Indians to peace and had
killed or hanged 1 50 others.

As a result of this uprising and as a guaranty for the newly arranged
peace, Governor Valdes- pointed out to the viceroy the desirability of
establishing a new presidio at a place called Cerro Gordo, between
Guadiana and El Parral. The governor stated that this new presidio
could be established without extra cost to the crown by detailing for it
men from other presidios of Nueva Vizcaya. The viceroy presented the
matter to the king in a letter of February 26, 1646. But the king and the
Council of the Indies, before passing upon the recommendation, requested
the viceroy to furnish them more information concerning the entire propo-
sition, and all related details, together with his own recommendations in
the matter,97 an action equivalent to tabling the proposition.

94 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, pp. 109, III, infra.

95 Ibid., pp. 111-115, infra.

96 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622, p. 131, infra; Coronado's report,
Durango, Apr. 30, 1625, p. 149, infra.

97 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Nov. 30, 1647, p. 161, infra ;
the king to the viceroy, Madrid, Jan. 18, 1648, ibid., p. 163.

Introduction 19

Shortly after the middle of the seventeenth century a dispute of con-
siderable importance arose over the divided military authority in Nueva
Vizcaya of the viceroy of New Spain and the governor and captain-
general of Nueva Vizcaya. The bases of the dispute, according to
Governor Don Diego Guajardo Fajardo, were as follows : The presidio
of Sinaloa, since its foundation, had been subject to the government of
Nueva Vizcaya, but the viceroys of New Spain had " arrogated to them-
selves the garrisoning of it, with the tacit permission of " the predeces-
sors of Guajardo Fajardo, and, with " no wider jurisdiction than the
presidio ", were endeavoring in 1650 " to extend their jurisdiction and to
establish their authority in the province of Sonora ".98

This was being attempted despite the fact that Captain Don Pedro de
Perea had made a contract with the viceroy, the Marquis of Cadereyta,
as early as 1636, " for the settlement of Sonora under certain conditions,
one of which was that he was to apply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya
to issue him title as justicia mayor and captain of war of the said province
of Sonora, since it was a district of that government; in conformity with
this arrangement he was to be subject to orders issued to him from Nueva
Vizcaya "." Governor Guajardo Fajardo claimed that after the death
of Captain Perea " the governors of Nueva Vizcaya continued making
appointments " to the office of justicia mayor and captain of war of
Sonora. However,. the captains of the presidios of Sinaloa, "with no
other purpose than that of extending their authority over Sonora ", at-
tempted to free themselves not only from the subordination which they
have to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, " but even from the adminis-
tration of justice of that province [Sinaloa]". Moreover they " endeav-
ored to prevent possession of the office " of justicia mayor and captain of
war by persons appointed by the governor of Nueva Vizcaya.100

During the administration of Governor Guajardo Fajardo the dispute
over the divided authority in military matters in Nueva Vizcaya first
became serious, and in the following manner : In the course of his efforts
to pacify the Tarahumara province, Governor Guajardo Fajardo commis-
sioned Simon Laso de la Vega as justicia mayor and captain of war of
Sonora, and instructed him to pacify and explore that province. In this
work De la Vega was obstructed and opposed by the presidial captains of
Sinaloa 101 and finally met death in a suspicious manner. Later, when
Governor Guajardo Fajardo despatched an expedition to Sonora by
way of Sinaloa under General Juan B. Morales to investigate the mur-
der of De la Vega and to reassemble his dispersed soldiers, Don
Pedro Porter Casanate, alcalde mayor of Sinaloa, and also at that time
captain of the presidio of Sinaloa, " desiring to foment rivalries or to

98 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Mar. 27, 1651, p. 171, infra.
"The king to the viceroy, May 23, 165 1, p. 173, infra.

100 Ibid., p. 173.

101 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Mar. 26, 1651, p. 171, infra.

3

20 Introduction

originate them between the governments of New Spain and Nueva Viz-
caya ", placed obstructions in the way of the expedition. As a result " the
assistance was not received nor was it possible to investigate or punish
the crime of the death of Simon Laso ".102

With the hope of ending the uncertainty as to whether the viceroy of
New Spain or the governor and captain-general of Nueva Vizcaya had
authority in Sinaloa and Sonora, Governor Guajardo Fajardo as early as
January 19, 1650, petitioned the king " to declare to whom belonged the
government of those provinces, in order that each one may restrain him-
self within the limits which belong to him ".103 In a later letter, of Febru-
ary 26, 1 65 1, Governor Guajardo Fajardo requested the king to order
that all of the presidios of Nueva Vizcaya either be placed under the con-
trol of the viceroy of New Spain, " or else be all at once taken from his
jurisdiction, for the purpose of preventing rivalries ".104

This uncertainty with regard to military authority in Nueva Vizcaya
produced much instability and insecurity throughout that kingdom and
seriously threatened to retard the mining industry. On October 7, 1651,
Governor Guajardo Fajardo advised the king that " the dangers are so
continuous . . . from the invasions of the Indians that there is not an
hour of security, for it is necessary at all times to be giving aid in arms,
munitions and men to different places ". Complaint was also made by the
governor that the viceroy had not answered his various appeals for aid or
his suggestions that the viceroy " provide a remedy for the many in-
juries ". He expressed the fear that the Indians would depopulate the
entire kingdom unless the king adopted some remedial measures.105

The king, by way of reply, on May 23, 1652, praised Governor Gua-
jardo Fajardo for his efforts to pacify the rebellious Tarahumares and
advised him to continue these efforts until he had secured the complete
pacification of the Indians. He also instructed the governor to keep the
viceroy advised concerning developments and his own needs, and to see
that the pacification proceeded with as little loss as possible, " first using
the mild methods of friendship and kind treatment toward them ". On
the same day the king wrote to the viceroy to give the governor of Nueva
Vizcaya " all the help he needs to accomplish the desired end ", and to
submit to him evidence bearing upon, and his own personal opinion con-
cerning, what the governor had said with respect to the contract alleged
to have been made in 1636 between the viceroy and Captain Pedro de
Perea for the settlement of the province of Sonora.106

102 The king to the viceroy, May 23, 1652, pp. 173, 175, infra.

103 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Mar. 27, 165 1, p. 171, infra.

104 The king to the viceroy, May 23, 1652, p. 175, infra.

105 Ibid. ; the king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, pp. 177, 179.

106 The king to the viceroy, May 23, 1652, p. 177, infra; the king to the governor
of Nueva Vizcaya, May 23, 1652, pp. 177, 179.

Introduction 21

An early recommendation aiming at a systematic reorganization of the
military defenses of Nueva Vizcaya was made by Governor Oca Sar-
miento in 1667. He proposed that ten soldiers and four Indian allies
should be stationed in each of " ten watch-towers " to be located " at the
places where the enemy enters our lands ", and distributed in such a man-
ner that they " would support each other and keep the enemy subject to
the cordon of watch-towers thus formed ", and would at the same time
" divide the enemy from the friendly Indians ". He stated that these
watch-towers might be garrisoned without added expense to the king
save for eight additional soldiers — thereby implying that the number of
soldiers at that time was ninety-two — and 6000 pesos at the outset for the
construction of the watch-towers.107

As late as 1670 the question of divided military authority in Nueva
Vizcaya, which had been raised by Governor Guajardo Fajardo twenty
years earlier, was still unsettled. At that time the viceroy of New Spain
had under his immediate jurisdiction the presidios of Sinaloa, Cerro
Gordo, and San Sebastian ; at these three presidios there were in all three
captains, seventy-five soldiers, and one Indian spy. The salary of each
of these presidials was 350 pesos. At the same time the governor of
Nueva Vizcaya exercised authority over the presidios of Santa Catalina,
among the Tepehuanes, and San Hipolito, among the Xiximes, each with
a captain, nine soldiers, and thirty field soldiers. Each of these presidials
drew an annual salary of 450 pesos. As a result of this divided responsi-
bility the Indians were not kept in subjection, for the governors excused
" themselves from assisting by saying that they do not have a sufficient
force, because the forces in the said presidios " which were under the
charge of the viceroy did not obey them. Conscious of the difficulties
with reference to the defense and security of Nueva Vizcaya because of
this situation, and desirous of ascertaining whether it would be wise to
place all of the presidios under the jurisdiction of the governor, the queen
regent on September 6, 1670, instructed the viceroy to report to her with
his own recommendations upon the matter.108

The question of the divided military authority in Nueva Vizcaya of
the governor of that kingdom and of the viceroy of New Spain was par-
tially settled in 1682. In that year a cedula placed under the control of
the governor the presidios of Sinaloa, Cerro Gordo, and San Sebastian,
which theretofore had been under the control of the viceroy. Such an
arrangement, it was pointed out, would enable the viceroy to " have in
equal degree the superior government of all " and would also enable him
" to avail himself of these forces without opposition in urgencies " that
might occur.109

107 Oca Sarmiento to the viceroy, El Parral, Mar. 12, 1667, p. 191, infra.

108 The queen regent to the viceroy, Madrid, Sept. 6, 1670, p. 205, infra.

109 Extract of a paper prepared by Sierra Osorio subsequent to 1683, p. 227, infra.

22 Introduction

One of the most illuminating reports upon conditions in general in
Nueva Vizcaya in the later seventeenth century was made, subsequent to
1683, by Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, former governor of that kingdom.
With reference to the military defense of Nueva Vizcaya, Sierra Osorio
pointed out the necessity of establishing " two presidios of fifty men
each " at El Gallo and Cuencame, which were the principal places from
which the hostiles sallied forth to do their damage. This would " close
the doors " to the Indians and would " make safe commerce and travel
in those provinces ". These two new presidios, together with the one
already at Cerro Gordo, would constitute a series of defenses " in a line
formed from Sombrerete ... to the Real del Parral ". This line, one
hundred leagues long, should, Sierra Osorio said, be " divided off in con-
venient distances to allow communication from one presidio to another,
and to reconnoitre and watch the intervening spaces ".

Sierra Osorio also favored the establishment at San Francisco de Con-
chos of a presidio as a means of holding some nations in check, depriving
others of communication, and preventing the outrages and robberies that
were common in that district. The soldiers of this presidio, together with
thirty field soldiers that already constituted a field company with head-
quarters at El Parral, should, Sierra Osorio thought, co-operate in oppos-
ing possible Indian incursions.

By the above disposition of the military forces of the kingdom Sierra
Osorio believed that safety would be assured to the mining camps, and,
*as a result of this safety, that old mining camps would be reopened and
some security would be given to defenseless towns, farms, cattle ranches,
and charcoal establishments which were necessary for the " conservation
and working of the mines ". Likewise this line of defense would separate
the settled and subjugated districts of Nueva Vizcaya from the
" supremely rough and almost impenetrable " country of the barbarous
and hostile Indians. Sierra Osorio stated that theretofore many Indians
" impelled by their own interests " had worked on the mines and farms
of the Spaniards. But because they then lacked those " interests ", with
consequent loss to farming and mining, and because they were " rebels
and apostates ", Sierra Osorio thought that war should be " made upon
them resolutely, without lifting a hand from it ", until they were reduced
or subjected.

Sierra Osorio urged that the viceroy, in view of so much that was at
stake, should be ordered, in case he could not go in person to Nueva Viz-
caya, " to apply his whole attention, zeal, and care " to the matter of the
defense of Nueva Vizcaya, and to assist the governor with " money and
all character of supplies of soldiers, arms, horses, and provisions " that
he might need. He also recommended that the governors should be al-
lowed to appoint the captains of the three new presidios which he pro-
posed should be erected at El Gallo, Cuencame, and San Francisco de

Introduction 23

Conchos and to have perpetual control over them, the governor being
obligated to appoint to these positions only men of good military
experience.110

At the beginning of the last decade of the seventeenth century the mili-
tary administration in Sinaloa and Sonora demanded the consideration
of the provincial and viceregal authorities. As a proposed means of curb-
ing Indian hostilities that were being committed in Nueva Galicia, Sina-
loa, and adjacent provinces, the president of the Audiencia of Guadala-
jara and the alcalde mayor of Sinaloa recommended to the viceroy in 1690
that a new presidio should be established for that region. A junta de
guerra, upon taking the recommendations under advisement on August 2,
1690, requested the president of the Audiencia of Guadalajara to secure
the sworn statements of a number of experienced persons with reference
to the most suitable site for the proposed new presidio. Most of the per-
sons consulted on this matter favored Orachiche as the most suitable site.
At the same time the advantages of moving the presidio of Sinaloa to
Los Cedros, which was " beyond the Real de los Frailes ", was also
pointed out. The erection of the new presidio and the removal of that of
Sinaloa was recommended by the president of the Audiencia, but, as a
result of the fiscal, in the interest of economy, having opposed this joint
proposition, it fell through.

The proposition calling for the removal of the presidio of Sinaloa
came up again however. On February 12, 1691, Governor Pardinas wrote
to the viceroy that the presidio of Sinaloa was no longer necessary where
it was, and recommended that it be removed to a site below Gentiles, mid-
way between Sonora and Sinaloa. In March, 1691, Juan Ruiz de Mon-
toya and Sebastian de Deymas Ardilaga, " persons thoroughly and per-
sonally acquainted with the provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa ", expressed
the opinion that the presidio of Sinaloa was an " unprofitable and useless
expense ", and that it would be desirable to move it to the site of Teuri-
cache. In June of the same year Don Francisco Marmolejo, former oidor
of the Audiencia of Mexico, and auditor-general of the junta de guerra,
supported the recommendations of Pardinas and favored at the same
time the creation of a flying company to be composed in part of soldiers
from the presidio of Sinaloa.

In view of these representations and reports a junta de hacienda on
July 18, 1 69 1, resolved to create a flying company, under the captaincy of
Francisco Ramirez Salazar, " in order that he might constantly patrol the
provinces of Sonora " At the same time action on the proposed removal
of the presidio of Sinaloa was deferred.

News that the authorities had had under consideration the proposal to
suppress the presidio of Sinaloa drew from its captain, Don Manuel de
Agramont, on January 31 and February 4, 1692, vigorous representations

110 Sierra Osorio, pp. 219-227, infra.

24 Introduction

with reference " to the importance of maintaining the presidio of Sinaloa
and of the drawbacks and difficulties of supplying soldiers to the flying
company "of Captain Ramirez de Salazar. Captain Agramont was sup-
ported in these representations by Fathers Bernabe de Soto and Ambrosio
Odon, Jesuit provincials, and by Father Manuel Gonzales, rector of the
College of Oposura.111 The beginning of 1693 found Captain Salazar
still in command of forty-three men, including an armorer, at the presidio
of Sinaloa; all of these, he declared, were needed, " and even more ". In
addition seven men from Sinaloa were then in Sonora. Agramont urged
the viceroy to order these men to return, for, as he naively expressed
himself, " if this presidio [of Sinaloa] be diminished, that is, if a thing
so small can be diminished, it will surely put the Yaqui and Sonora coun-
try in danger of being lost ".112

In Sonora, in the latter part of 1692 the situation, because of the con-
tinued " robberies, murders, and atrocities " of the hostiles, and also the
death of the alcalde mayor, was a gloomy one for the settlers of that
province. As a temporary measure, designed to check the hostiles and
hold that distant frontier, the viceroy gave instructions that twenty sol-
diers from the presidio of Sinaloa and ten from those of Cuencame and
El Gallo should be sent at once to Sonora under Captain Francisco
Ramirez de Salazar. Upon arriving in Sonora Salazar found that his
force was not sufficient to cope with the situation, and, despite the remon-
strances of the demoralized settlers, went to Mexico City to lay the situa-
tion before the viceroy. His departure was the occasion for the hostiles
to renew their sanguinary attacks and depredations upon the Spaniards,
with the result that mining and commerce were greatly retarded. Mean-
while Salazar's mission had been successful, but he died at Zacatecas
while en route to Sonora with fifty soldiers which the viceroy had granted
to him. News of Salazar's death having reached Sonora, the deputy
alcaldes mayores of five mining settlements, including that of the capital,
San Juan Bautista, sent urgent appeals to the viceroy for the fifty soldiers
to be sent on at once. They supported their request by giving details of
recent atrocities committed by the Sonora, Soba, Guipuru, and Pima
Indians, and by voicing their convictions that the Christian Indians were
on the point of joining the hostiles, which, if true, would in their opinion
mean the definite loss of the entire province.113

The recommendations that three presidios be established in Nueva
Vizcaya, which were made by ex-Governor Sierra Osorio subsequent to
1683, appear to have been adopted, either in whole or in part, for in 1693
the viceregal inspector, Don Joseph Francisco Marin, referred to the
"presidios which were erected in the year 1686 to check the barbarous

111 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 445, infra.

112 Agramont to the viceroy, Sinaloa, Apr. 22, 1693, p. 317, infra.

113 The residents of Sonora to the viceroy, San Juan Bautista, Feb. 6, 1693, pp. 291-
297, infra ; fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 423-429.

Introduction 25

hostilities of the Indians ".114 In September, 1693, at the time that Marin
made a report upon the military strength of Nueva Vizcaya,115 374 sol-
diers, under the command of nine captains, making a total of 383 men,
constituted the military force of that kingdom. These men were distrib-
uted at seven presidios and in two field companies, as follows :

At the presidio of Santa Catalina de Tepehuanes, on the direct road,
seventy leagues long, that led from Durango to the Real del Parral,
Captain Don Benito Pereda y Morales was in command of eight soldiers.
This road by way of Santa Catalina had " slight security " because squads
of Tobosos constantly spied upon it. Three presidios, namely, El Pasaje,
El Gallo, and Cerro Gordo, were located along the road, 100 leagues long,
that led from Durango to the Real del Parral by way of Cuencame. This
road was more frequently travelled than the direct road by way of Santa
Catalina because of the greater security afforded by the three presidios.

At the first of these presidios, El Pasaje,116 which was thirty leagues
from Durango, Captain Juan Bautista de Escorza was in command of
fifty men. Twenty-four leagues from El Pasaje was the presidio of
El Gallo, where Captain Luis de Quintana was in command of another
fifty soldiers. At the presidio of Cerro Gordo, which was twenty-two
leagues from El Gallo and twenty-four leagues below the Real del Parral,
Captain Martin de Ugalde was in command of twenty-three soldiers. The
Real del Parral was the headquarters for a field company, consisting of
fifty soldiers, under the command of Captain Antonio de Medina, al-
though fifteen soldiers of this company were usually kept at Durango.
Twenty-two leagues northeast of the Real del Parral was the presidio of
San Francisco de Conchos. There General Juan Fernandez de Retana
was captain of fifty soldiers. One hundred leagues northwest of the Real
del Parral,117 and approximately seventy leagues southwest of the pueblo
of El Paso,118 was the presidio of Janos, situated in the province by that
name. There Captain Juan Fernandez de la Fuente was in command of
fifty soldiers. This presidio, prior to 1693, had been the principal defense
for " the entire province of Sonora ", which extended for more than
another 150 leagues beyond. More than 150 leagues west of the Real del
Parral was the presidio of Montesclaros, situated in the province of
Sinaloa. There Don Manuel de Agramont y Arce was in command of
forty-three soldiers,119 although for many years fifteen soldiers from that

114 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 387, infra.

115 For this report, see pp. 391, 393, infra.

116 Governor Castillo referred in 1693 to "the said presidio of El Pasaje and Cuen-
came" (Castillo's orders to Escorza, Durango, Apr. 2, 1693, p. 299, infra). From this
it is inferred that El Pasaje and Cuencame were adjacent to each other.

117 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 393, 405, infra ; fiscal's
opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., p. 431.

118 Hughes, op. cit., p. 311.

119 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 393, infra ; fiscal's opinion,
Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., p. 431.

26 Introduction

presidio had served in Sonora for its defense. This had been possible
because the presidio of Montesclaros was " in a quiet province and one
peaceful for many years " prior to 1693. Marin felt that no uprising need
be feared there because its inhabitants were " naturally peaceable . . .
rooted in the faith . . . and devoted to the cultivation of their farms
and the raising of cattle ". For these reasons Marin thought that the
presidio of Montesclaros might be suppressed. His plans also called for
the ultimate suppression of the presidio of Santa Catalina.120

Prior to Marin's report of his inspection, made to the viceroy in Sep-
tember, 1693, seventy additional soldiers had been sent that year to Nueva
Vizcaya. Twenty of these had gone to reinforce the field company of
thirty soldiers with headquarters at the Real del Parral; and, for the
greater defense of Sonora, fifty soldiers, constituting a field company,
had been sent to that province from New Mexico under the command of
Don Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate, former governor of the latter
province.121 The annual appropriation in 1693 ^or tne maintenance of all
of the soldiers of Nueva Vizcaya, including 6000 pesos allowed for a
peace and war fund with which to remunerate loyal Indians, exceeded
170,000 pesos.122

7. Missionary progress in Nueva Viscaya. Bancroft's chapters, " An-
nals of Nueva Vizcaya, 1600-1640 ", and " Nueva Vizcaya History,
1641-1700 ",123 together with the references therein cited, constitute basic
sources for a study of the ecclesiastical organization and religious de-
velopment in Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century. Bancroft in fact
emphasizes these subjects, very largely to the exclusion of the narrative
of political developments. On the other hand, in the documents herein-
after printed, there are only incidental references to the ecclesiastical
organization and missionary progress in Nueva Vizcaya.

A memorandum of the baptized Indians under religious administration
of the Franciscans and Jesuits in Nueva Vizcaya during the administra-
tion of Governor Vesga, 1620- 162 5, reveals the marked progress — the
discouraging report given by Bancroft notwithstanding — which had at-
tended and was attending the efforts of those missionaries. In the prov-
ince of Sinaloa the Jesuits had no competition and there they realized
their greatest achievements. In that province eighteen Jesuits were ad-
ministering to 85,428 persons; at each of two pueblos as many as ten
thousand persons were being ministered to by one missionary. In the
provinces and districts of Nueva Vizcaya other than that of Sinaloa
eighteen Jesuits ministered to 9042 persons; twelve Franciscans minis-
tered to 4684 persons; and two lay licenciados and one lay bachiller
ministered to 2409 persons. The total number of persons under religious

120 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 405, 407, infra.

121 Ibid., pp. 391-409; fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 431, infra.

122 Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 407, infra.

123 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 303-336, 337S72-

Introduction 27

ministration of the Franciscans and Jesuits in Nueva Vizcaya at the close
of the first quarter of the seventeenth century, therefore, was 101,563.
The names of the thirty missionaries and the three lay administrators,
together with the number of persons to whom each ministered, are here-
inafter published.124 A member of the Order of Saint Augustine is men-
tioned as curate and vicar at Guanecebi in 1622.125

Some slight information is thrown upon the achievements of the Fran-
ciscans in Nueva Vizcaya in a report made by Fray Lorenzo Cantu, a
Franciscan, of an official inspection which he made in 1650. Fray Cantu
and his associates left Santiago Babonoyaba on May 9, 1650, and trav-
elled twenty-eight leagues in seven days, visiting en route the Tepehuane
pueblos of Santa Ysabel, San Andres, San Bernabe, and San Gregorio
Yaguna. At the two last-named pueblos he baptized fifty- four infants;
San Bernabe was rechristened by Fray Cantu, San Bernabe del Nombre
de Dios. Across the river from the latter place Fray Cantu located a site
for a church and a monastery and arranged for the denouncement of the
title to the same. On this expedition Fray Cantu found the Indians alto-
gether friendly and hospitable and anxious for the Franciscan " white
fathers " to live among and minister to them. The smaller number of
Indians whom he saw with bows and arrows he interpreted as " a sure
sign that they were at peace and quiet in their towns ". Fray Cantu ad-
vised Governor Guajardo Fajardo on May 21, 1650, that he had decided
to remain at San Bernabe del Nombre de Dios in order to " erect a temple
to God and a house and monastery " in which he might live, and from
where he might minister to the natives of six other pueblos within a
radius of twenty-four leagues of San Bernabe del Nombre de Dios.126

In Nueva Vizcaya, as elsewhere, the missions were supposed to be secu-
larized within a few years after their establishment, but, as elsewhere,
the secularization of missions in Nueva Vizcaya was attended with some
irregularities. The bishop of Durango complained to the queen regent
that as the Jesuit missions were secularized many parish priests — unwill-
ing to comply with various royal and ecclesiastical provisions which re-
quired them to pass a satisfactory examination in the Indian languages
in which they were to give religious instruction — were obliged to hear
confessions through an interpreter. In reply, the queen regent on Septem-
ber 6, 1670, instructed the bishop to give the matter careful and prompt
attention and " to take action to remedy such a defect ".127

124 "Account and memorandum of the baptized Indians governed in the provinces of
Nueva Vizcaya ", etc., pp. 1 53-159, infra. Compare this account with Bancroft, op. cit.,
PP- 335S36, and authorities therein cited. For an account dealing with Jesuit missions
in Nueva Vizcaya in 1678, see the Relacion of the inspection of Juan Ortiz Zapata, in
Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil de la Nueva-Vizcaya, in Docuntentos
para la Historia de Mexico, fourth ser., III. 301-419.

12B Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620- 1622, p. 131, infra.

126 Cantu's report, Santiago de Babonoyaba, May 21, 1650, pp. 167-171, infra.

127 The queen regent to the bishop of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Sept. 6, 1670, p. 203,
infra.

28 Introduction

Missionary efforts had been begun at La Junta de los Rios, at the
junction of the Rio del Norte and Conchos rivers, probably as early as
1670, but by missionaries from New Mexico 128 in the jurisdiction of the
Custodia de San Pablo de Nuevo Mexico.129 Little was accomplished at
first, but after the Pueblo Indian revolt in 1680 and the establishment
of settlements near El Paso by the Spanish refugees from New Mexico,130
missionaries from El Paso became very greatly interested in the conver-
sion of the Indians at La Junta. Serious missionary work was begun
there in 1683 and within one year seven missions had been built by mis-
sionaries from New Mexico for nine tribes living on either side of the
Rio del Norte,131 in what was unquestionably Nueva Vizcayan territory.
A serious rebellion of the Conchos and Julimes Indians occurred in the
summer of 1684, but the Christian Indians at La Junta remained faith-
ful and escaped to El Parral, taking their priests and the vessels and orna-
ments of the churches with them.132 In the late spring or early summer
Father Fray Agustin de Colina became president of the Franciscan mis-
sions at La Junta. There, " with the consolation that comes from obe-
dience ", he labored for one year and seven months, subject, in religious
matters, to the custodio of New Mexico, with headquarters then at El
Paso, and, in secular matters, under the orders of the governor of Nueva
Vizcaya.133 1

In November, 1693, Governor Castillo requested the viceroy to make
appropriations for missionaries for 2500 persons comprising the Sunigu-
gligla and Batayogligla nations and for eleven other friendly nations of
the Rio del Norte. When the request was considered in Mexico City the
fiscal recommended that first the royal officials of Durango and Zacatecas
should report whether there had ever been any money paid through their
offices for missionaries to these Indians.134

With reference to the fiscal's recommendations, a junta de hacienda in
Mexico City on December 19, 1693, ordered that the Franciscan provin-
cial of the province of Zacatecas should be requested to name four mis-
sionaries to instruct the Indians at La Junta de los Rios and to give notice
of their departure for La Junta in order that he might " be assisted with
alms from the real hacienda ".. At the same time the royal treasury offi-
cials were asked to " report as to whether there had been ministers in the

128 Hughes, op. cit., pp. 330-331.

129 See note 29, supra ; Father Colina to Pardifias, Nov. 18, 1688, pp. 245-249, infra ',
and auto of Pardifias, El Parral, July 7, 1692, p. 285.

130 See C. W. Hackett, " The Retreat of the Spaniards from New Mexico in 1680, and
the Beginnings of El Paso", in Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVI. 137-168,
250-276.

131 Hughes, op. cit., pp. 331-333 ; Bolton and Marshall, op. cit., p. 245.

132 Hughes, op. cit., p. 358.

133 Father Colina to Governor Pardifias, San Pedro de Conchos, Nov. 18, 1688,
pp. 245-249, infra; auto of Pardifias, El Parral, July 7, 1692, ibid., p. 285. For the office
of custodio, see note 29, supra.

134 Opinion of the fiscal, Mexico, Dec. 16, 1693, pp. 357, 359, infra.

Introduction 29

said places at any other time and whether they had been paid from the
royal depositories 'V35 On February 9, 1694, in answer to the viceroy's
request for information, the royal officials at Durango reported that
according to the books of that royal auditor's office no payment had been
made " since time immemorial " at that treasury of any sum designated
as aid for any mission " in the region known as La Junta de los Rios ".
In giving this answer the officials advised that there were seven missions
located " eight or ten leagues beyond where the last reduced nations "
were settled and that the distance from each of these missions to the next
was about the same. These missions were San Pedro de Conchos, Santa
Maria Natividad, San Pedro de Alcantara de Amiquipa, Santa Ana del
Torreon, Santiago Baunoyava, Santa Ysabel, and Casas Grandes. To
each mission there was annually appropriated, by order of the king, one
hundred pesos in money and fifty fanegas of corn, valued at three pesos
for each fanega, thereby making a total annual appropriation for each
mission of 250 pesos.136

The mission of San Pedro de Conchos in 1693 ministered to six pueblos
of Indians, namely, San Pedro, San Lucas, Santa Cruz, San Pablo, Nues-
tra Senora de Guadalupe, and San Antonio de Julimes. The distance
from the first-named to the last-named of these pueblos was twelve
leagues, and it was very difficult for only one missionary to do everything
that was required. For this reason Governor Castillo on October 20 re-
quested the viceroy to make provision for another missionary for this
group of seven pueblos.137

8. Spain's Indian and paternalistic policy as exemplified in Nueva
Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya in the seventeenth century. That the Spanish
Indian policy was benevolent and humanitarian by intention but that the
theory and the application of the policy were widely divergent, resulting
too often in the practical enslavement of the natives, has been indicated
in a previous section.138 Documents, hereinafter published, indicate to a
certain degree the extent of the divergence between the theory and the
application of Spain's Indian policy in Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya
during the seventeenth century. They illustrate fully the fact that the
crown of Spain, in theory, was ever solicitous for the welfare and spiritual
uplift of those whom it regarded as its wards — the natives of the Indies.

The king was informed in 1601 that cattle ranches of the Spaniards,
in violation of the laws of the Indies, were encroaching upon the towns
and cultivated fields of the Indians of Nueva Galicia, with the result that
the crops and even the straw huts of the Indians were being devoured by
the cattle, that the Indians were dying while guarding their fields, and

135 Ibid. ; fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 425, 427, infra.

136 Statement of the royal officials, Durango, Feb. 9, 1694, this volume, p. 361, infra ;
opinion of the fiscal, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 427, infra.

137 Castillo to the viceroy, San Francisco de Conchos, Oct. 20, 1693, pp. 361, 363, infra.

138 See vol. I., pp. 26-28.

30 Introduction

that they were obliged to gather their crops prematurely in order to save
them from the depredations of the cattle. Upon learning of this the king
on July 24, 1601, severely rebuked the Audiencia of Guadalajara for not
having remedied this situation and ordered the members of that joint
administrative and judicial body 139 to go out in turn to inspect the entire
district, to endeavor " to remedy the injuries and oppressions " from
which the Indians alleged that they suffered, and to see that their condi-
tion was relieved and ameliorated in every way possible.140 Two years
later rigid instructions were issued to the same audiencia to enforce the
laws which prohibited Spaniards from living in Indian towns.141

The king did not have occasion to rebuke solely civilians and adminis-
trative officials for their abuse of the Indians. For example, in 1605 the
king was informed that members of both the regular and secular clergy
of Nueva Galicia were accustomed to urge the Indians " to give them
daily two or three hens and corn, and on Fridays, fast-days, and during
Lent, fish and eggs, and hay for their horses, as well as personal services
from both men and women without any payment whatsoever for all this ".
At once the king ordered the bishop of Guadalajara, on June 29, 1605, to
effect immediately a reform with respect to this " very great " abuse,
since the king, in order that they might " not oppress or wrong the poor
natives ", had supplied the clergy " with provisions and other neces-
saries " from the royal treasury.142 In 1609, " after much consultation "
the king issued a general cedula " wherein personal services from the In-
dians " were prohibited.143

Despite such action on his part, designed to protect the Indians, the king
was advised some years later that the Indians of New Spain were dealt
with harshly, that they were forced to do personal service in the homes
of the Spaniards, and that " outside work, heavy tasks, and other fatiguing
burdens " were laid upon them. Upon learning this the king, " in words
of great weight ", personally charged the viceroy of New Spain on
July 30, 1627, to enforce the laws for the protection of the Indians.144

In 1645 there were in the province of Nueva Galicia, which was ad-
ministered by the Audiencia of Guadalajara, 184 Indian towns, of which
thirty-three were in encomienda. In the towns in encomienda there were
2640 Indians who were required to pay each year the sum of 5392 pesos,
seven tomines, and six grains as tribute. On February 25, 1645, the presi-

139 See note 23, supra.

140 The king to the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, Tordesillas, July 24, 1601, p. 85, infra.

141 The king to the fiscal of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, El Pardo, Nov. 20, 1603,
p. 89, infra. For the laws relating to restrictions upon the life in an Indian village, see
Recopilacion de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias Mandadas Imprimir y Publicar por
la Majestad Catolica del Rey Don Carlos II. Nuestro Sehor (Madrid, 1681), lib. 2,
tit. 3, leyes 19, 21, 23, 24.

142 The king to the bishop of Nueva Galicia, Lerma, June 29, 1605, pp. 93, 95, infra.

143 The king to the viceroy, Madrid, July 24, 1652, p. 181, infra.

144 Ibid.

Introduction 31

dent of the audiencia, Don Pedro Fernandez de Baeza, advised the king
that in the collection of this " insignificant " sum the Indians suffered
many extortions and- damages which kept them in a state of constant
anxiety, and that as a result of this and other injuries which they experi-
enced, as from " storms and hard work in the mines and on the reparti-
mientos " , the Indians were about to be annihilated. Moved by " pity
and compassion at seeing them suffer and die ", President Baeza recom-
mended that the Indians should be relieved of all or of a part of their
tribute, so that " the entire rehabilitation of those miserable people "
might be effected.

In view of the above recommendations the king in 1646 expressed to the
viceroy, the Count of Alva de Salvatierra, his suspicion that the collectors
were " making a business of mulcting the Indians so as to keep them
more completely under control ". Accordingly he instructed the viceroy
to ascertain whether his suspicions were well founded or whether the
tributes were in fact " heavy and intolerable ". In the former case the
viceroy was instructed to co-operate with President Baeza in an endeavor
to find some other means whereby the tributes might be collected without
hardship to the Indians, and at the same time not " diminish the royal
income ". On the other hand, in case the viceroy should ascertain that
the injury came from the imposition of the tribute, he was, after con-
sultation with the president of the audiencia, the bishop, and other well-
informed persons, to exercise his " prudence and judgment " in reducing
the amount of the tribute of the Indians, whose " consolation and relief "
the king so greatly desired.145 In 1649 tne king advised President Baeza
that it was his duty and that of the audiencia to " endeavor to secure the
entire welfare of the Indians, with all the attention and wise means
deemed most fitting ".146 Three years later Guajardo Fajardo, governor
of Nueva Vizcaya, was instructed by the king to endeavor to accomplish
the pacification and reduction of the Tarahumares " with the least number
of deaths of Indians that is possible, first using the mild methods of
friendship and kind treatment toward them, this being acceptable to the
service of God ", and also to himself.147

The bishop of Durango advised the queen regent in April, 1669, that
Don Juan Constantino, Indian governor of the Conchos nation, had com-
plained to him that because of their harsh treatment by the Spaniards
many Christian Indians had fled to the mountains. Others who had been
given in encomienda by Governor Oca Sarmiento — notwithstanding that

145 The king to the viceroy of New Spain, July 24, 1652, pp. 179-183, infra. When
no news concerning this matter had been received by the king and the Council of the
Indies by July 26, 1652, the above instructions were repeated in a cedula of that date
addressed to the viceroy.

146 The king to the president of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Madrid, Nov. 30, 1649,
p. 165, infra.

147 The king to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652, pp. 177,
179, infra.

32 Introduction

this was " prohibited by royal cedulas under heavy penalties " — were said
to be " grievously oppressed ". Don Juan further complained that Gov-
ernor Oca Sarmiento had forced him " to go and fetch from the moun-
tains the Indians who had been in encomienda " .

Upon receipt of the bishop's letter the queen regent on June 22, 1670,
sent identic letters to the viceroy of New Spain, to the Audiencia of Guada-
lajara, and to Governor Oca Sarmiento in which orders were given " to
have the tribute or impost which . . . has been laid on the Indians re-
moved or revoked at once ", and, after an investigation, to report the
cause or reason for its imposition, how long it had been collected, to what
sum it had amounted, and in what this sum had been invested.148

The enslaving of the Indians of America was strictly prohibited, but
that this law was not rigidly enforced in northwestern New Spain in the
seventeenth century there is abundant proof. In March, 16 17, in the
course of the Tepehuane rebellion, 220 Indian prisoners, including women
and boys, " were sentenced and apportioned ".149 Five years later, on
April 16, 1622, Cristobal Sanchez delivered to Governor Mateo de Vesga
ten Indians whom he had captured on an expedition against the rebellious
Conchos nation. The prisoners included five women, a girl, an Indian
buck about eighteen years of age, and three boys from three to six years
old. Governor Vesga declared those prisoners to be slaves and " that
from them he would set aside for his Majesty what belonged to him as
his royal fifth, delivering it to the royal officials of the real hacienda and
treasury " of Durango. Accordingly the Indian buck and one of the boy
prisoners were designated as the king's share; the other eight were or-
dered to be sold at auction to the highest bidder. The governor further
ordered that the amount of money thus to be realized should be distrib-
uted as follows : one-third to " be applied to the expenses of the honors
that would have to be given " in Durango to the memory of the late king,
Philip III. ; another one-third was to be given to Captain Sanchez and
his associates to compensate them for the expenses incurred in bringing
the Indians to Durango; the final third was " to be applied to the expense
of this audiencia of government ", and to court costs. When the eight
Indians were sold at auction, on April 17, the total amount realized from
the sale was " three hundred pesos in common gold ". Later, on April 19,
the governor ordered that the entire sum of 300 pesos realized from the
sale of the prisoner slaves should be applied " to the expenses of the said
honors to his Majesty, who is in heaven ".150

A quarter of a century later the Tepehuanes, Salineros, and other In-
dians rebelled against the Spaniards.151 According to information reach-

148 The queen regent to the viceroy, Madrid, June 22, 1670, p. 201, infra.

149 Brief account of the Tepehuane Indian rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 109, infra.

150 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622, pp. 135, 137, infra.

151 For details of this rebellion, see Documentos para la Historia Eclesidstica y Civil
de la Nueva-Viscaya in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, fourth ser., III.
(Mexico, 1857) 130-178.

Introduction 33

ing the king these Indians became restless when " certain alcaldes mayores
and religious instructors . . . carried off and sold their children to serve
in mines and elsewhere, disposing of them as slaves or giving them as
presents ". Later, when Governor Luis de Valdes 152 began to punish
them immoderately and even seized and shot some who had been sum-
moned for religious instruction, the Indians flew to arms. On their raids
they robbed and murdered and even broke into the royal treasury, thereby
causing an " enormous expense " The above reports prompted the king
to command Governor Valdes " to observe precisely and faithfully the
provisions of the cedulas which have been issued commanding that the
Indians shall not be enslaved nor given any cause for disturbance in that
province by the alcaldes mayores, religious instructors, or any other
person, but they shall rather be petted, treated with all kindness and be-
nignity, kept in peace and quiet, and accorded just treatment ".153

At the request of Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso, oidor of the
Audiencia of Guadalajara, and acting fiscal before that court, that audi-
encia early in 1672 ordered that the Chinos and Chichimecos Indians and
those of Sinaloa, New Mexico, and Nuevo Leon should be set at liberty ;
that owners should prove titles whereby they held slaves ; and that women
and children of fourteen years, " even if taken in just wars, should be
free, since it has been so ordered by various cedulas, particularly those
of the years 1653 and 1663 ". At the same time, in separate letters, De
Haro y Monterroso and the audiencia advised the queen regent that there
were still many slaves in the audiencia districts of Guatemala and Mexico.

In a letter dated December 13, 1672, the queen thanked De Haro y
Monterroso for his " zeal and attentiveness " in the matter of freeing the
slaves, and added that it was " just and proper to leave the Indians in
freedom ... on account of the scruples of conscience which their en-
slavement causes ". Like sentiments were expressed in a letter from the
queen to the Audiencia of Guadalajara on December 23, 1672. The Audi-
encias of Guatemala and Mexico were instructed by the queen on Decem-
ber 13, 1672, to set at liberty Indian slaves in their respective juris-
dictions.154

Three years later De Haro y Monterroso, as the result of a suit prose-
cuted before the Audiencia of Guadalajara against " various powerful
personages concerning the personal services of the Indians of the prov-
inces of Sonora and Sinaloa and the division of land and water in those
provinces, obtained a sentence for examination and review in favor of
the Indians ". At the same time he secured a writ of execution and en-

152 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 337) says Valdes was governor between 1642 and 1648.

153 Cedula to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Madrid, Nov. 30, 1647, pp. 161, 163, infra;
cedula to the viceroy of New Spain, Madrid, Jan. 18, 1648, ibid., pp. 163, 165.

154 The queen regent to the fiscal of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Dec. 13, 1672,
pp. 205, 207, infra; the queen regent to the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Dec. 23, 1672,
pp. 207, 209, infra.

34 Introduction

trusted its enforcement to Don Joseph Garcia de Salcedo, governor of
Nueva Vizcaya.155 At the request of the latter, however, the audiencia
ordered the execution of the writ to be suspended until a report might be
submitted to the queen regent. When advised of this action the queen
rebuked the audiencia for having failed " to report the suit and put into
execution " its writ, and ordered that all the papers bearing upon the
subject should be sent to the Council of the Indies at once.156

The crown of Spain did not endeavor solely to protect and uplift the
subject natives of America and to prevent them from being enslaved, but
gave positive instructions that were designed to secure for even the most
ferocious Indian prisoners of war just and humane treatment. About
1692 the viceroy of New Spain notified Don Manuel de Agramont y Arce,
captain of the presidial forces of Sinaloa, that henceforth the " heads of
the forces ... on the frontiers " were not to " punish any Indians taken
in battle without first giving them a trial and having sentence passed
upon them by a legal adviser ".157 In 1693 Governor Castillo recom-
mended to the viceroy that his instructions be modified so as to " permit
the prompt punishment of the hostiles, even permitting them, without
either process or semblance of law, to be put to the sword for breaking
the peace or for crimes " which they might commit. With reference to
this recommendation the fiscal on December 16, 1693, advised the viceroy
that since the king " with Catholic piety " had condemned such a method
of procedure, the same did not permit of contravention, neither did the
proposition deserve consideration. " On the other hand ", the fiscal con-
tinued, " the said governor and the other captains and chiefs ought to
conform to what has been decreed, conducting the cases according to law
and proving them fully by admitting the least testimony that the character
of the crimes may allow ".158

Two documents hereinafter published exemplify the paternalistic policy
of the Spanish king with respect to his subjects resident in the Indies.
Through recourse to bail and the payment of a certain fine, after which
they continued " in their evil lives ", married men in the Indies at the
beginning of the seventeenth century were wont to ignore the law which
required them to return to Spain to renew the marital relations with their
wives. To correct this abuse the king in 1603 instructed the fiscal of the
Audiencia of Guadalajara to discharge his duty rigorously with respect
to this law and to report neglect or contravention of it to the Council of
the Indies.159

165 According to Bancroft (op. cit., I. 338), Salcedo was governor from 1670 to 1673.

156 The queen regent to the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Apr. 2, 1676, p. 209, infra.

157 Agramont to the viceroy, Sinaloa, Apr. 22, 1693, p. 315, infra.

158 The fiscal's reply, Mexico, Dec. 16, 1693, p. 359, infra.

159 The king to the fiscal of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, El Pardo, Nov. 20, 1603,
p. 87, infra; see also note 4, supra.

Introduction 35

Because the letters and reports sent by the president of 'the Audiencia
of Guadalajara were lacking in " the clarity and distinctness desired ",
and " habitually " caused great confusion when the time came to consider
and answer them, the king, in 1624, gave specific instructions concerning
the form to be observed in writing letters to the Council of the Indies.
Judicial reports were to be made " with great distinctness ", the various
topics being kept separate. A letter for each subject was to be written on
half the page; on the other half there was to " appear a brief abstract of
the contents of the letter, or of the chapters, made as concise as possible,
and in such a manner that from the abstract " one might decide upon the
action to be taken. Chapters were to be numbered and references given
to the records accompanying the letters.160

Some Notable Events in the History of Nueva Vizcaya
between the years l602 and 1 693.

I. The administration of Francisco de Urdinola the Younger, 1603-
1611. In preceding chapters brief references were made to the services
of Francisco de Urdinola the Younger, between the years 1575 and 1591.
In the latter year he was serving as lieutenant governor and captain-
general at Saltillo by appointment of Rodrigo del Rio de Losa, governor
of Nueva Vizcaya.161 The services of none of the prominent characters
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are so little known or appre-
ciated, and none deserve to be as fully narrated and rightly appraised as
those of Urdinola the Younger. Fortunately, fairly complete transcripts
of the records of his thirty-six years' services on the northern frontier are
now available in this country.162 Of the documents hereinafter published,
however, only a few relate to that remarkable frontiersman. For that
reason reference is herein made to only a few events in his notable ad-
ministration as governor of Nueva Vizcaya.

Urdinola was appointed governor of Nueva Vizcaya by the viceroy of
New Spain, the Count of Monterey, on May 20, 1603,163 and he assumed

100 The king to the president of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Feb. 12, 1624, pp. 159,
161, infra. .

161 Vol. L, pp. 17-18, 195.

162 In the Library of Congress and in the University of Texas Library there are
transcripts of a number of documents in the Archivo General de Indias, at Seville,
Spain, which narrate the services of Urdinola. Notable among the expediences of these
documents of which there are transcripts in the above-mentioned libraries are the fol-
lowing: (1) " Servicios del Capitan Francisco de Urdinola sobre que se le haga merced "
(A. G. I., Audiencia de Guadalajara, 66-6-17), transcript in the University of Texas
Library; dates covered, 1591-1604 (311 pp.). (2) "Servicios de Francisco de Urdinola
sobre que se le haga merced, Guadalajara, 1612, 2a Pieza" (A. G. I., Audiencia de
Guadalajara, 66-6-17), transcript in the University of Texas Library; dates covered,
1607- 161 1 (123 pp.).

163 " Titulo del Virrey que hace merced del Govierno de la Nueva Vizcaya a 20 de
Mayo de 1603 ", in " Servicios del Capitan Francisco de Urdinola ". etc., loc. cit.,
pp. 90-93.

36 Introduction

his duties as such at Durango on June 23 of the same year.164 About
the same time the Acaxees Indians of the Sierra de San Andres renewed
their incendiarism and warfare. In this they were led by a " pernicious "
Indian by the name of Bishop, who even called himself God, and who
baptized, said mass, married the Indians, and taught them a new creed.
In a seven months' campaign against the hostiles, Urdinola traversed the
mountains, captured and punished Bishop and his apostles and other
leaders of the rebellion, and succeeded in inducing the Indians to con-
gregate in twenty-four villages. These were advantageously located and
at them the Jesuits at once began their labors with marked success.
Urdinola boasted that he had accomplished all this at an expense of less
than 5000 pesos to the crown and at an estimated personal expense of
more than 20,000 pesos.

Urdinola made his successes in this campaign the basis for petitioning
the king to relieve him of his duties as governor and to recompense his
services, since he was growing " old and infirm ", by granting to himself
and to his two marriageable daughters " some favor ",iai That his re-
quest to be relieved from active service had not been granted as late as
161 1 is clear from the fact that in April, 1607, Urdinola reported to the
king that a valuable salt deposit had been discovered twenty-five leagues
beyond the province of Santa Barbara, and pointed out that great profit
might be derived from it for the royal treasury. In reply, on Septem-
ber 3, 161 1, the king, addressing Urdinola as " governor of Nueva Viz-
caya ", gave instructions that laws should be obeyed which prescribed
the freedom of all salt deposits in Nueva Vizcaya and in the rest of the
Indies.166

2. The Tepehuane rebellion, November 15, 1616, to May 16, 1618.
In November, 16 16, the previously tractable Tepehuane Indians initiated
a rebellion " hardly equalled in the annals of the northwest " ; it was " an
outbreak of religious and patriotic fanaticism ".167 In a contemporary
anonymous account of this rebellion, hereinafter published, the statement
is made that the Tepehuanes " were inspired to apostatize through in-
stinct and the persuasion of the devil. They set up an idol; they were
governed by wizards; and, in order better to establish their new projects
. . . they at once attempted ... to convoke all the other nations of that
jurisdiction ".168 It was the plan of the apostates to make simultaneous
attacks upon all the towns of the kingdom, and November 22, 16 16, had
been fixed as the day for beginning the attack on the capital of the juris-

164 Administration of the oath of office to Urdinola, Durango, June 23, 1603, in
" Servicios del Capitan Francisco de Urdinola ", etc., loc. cit., pp. 93-94- Bancroft {North
Mexican States and Texas, I. 306) erroneously says that Urdinola became governor of
Nueva Vizcaya in 1602.

165 Urdinola to the king, Durango, Mar. 31, 1604, pp. 89-93, infra.

166 The king to Urdinola, San Lorenzo, Sept. 3, 161 1, p. 95, infra.

167 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 320.

168 A brief account of the Tepehuane rebellion, 1616-1618, p. 101, infra.

Introduction 37

diction, Guadiana, the destruction of which was to be the chief aim of the
rebels.109 Some of the Indians, however, " moved by their avaricious
zeal ", began their attacks as early as November 15 or 16.170

As soon as Governor Don Gaspar de Alvear 171 learned of this wide-
spread rebellious movement he ordered on November 21 Rafael Gascue,
lieutenant-captain-general, " to seize craftily " seventy-five of the gover-
nors, caciques, and principal men of the Indians. This was done, and that
night, when the inhabitants of Guadiana were thrown into a frenzy of
fear because of the reported advance of 2000 Indian warriors, the ma-
jority of the prisoners were executed. The following morning the others
were executed at the hour at which the Indians had intended to attack
Guadiana.

The death of their leaders caused the Tepehuanes to lose courage and
to flee to the mountains. This in turn enabled Governor Alvear to lead
in person an offensive campaign against the rebels that lasted from
December 14, 16 16, until March 4, 161 7. In the course of this campaign
Guanecebi was succored on January 15. There the town had been pil-
laged and burned and the survivors were making their last stand in the
church. In a reconnaissance tour of the towns round about Guanecebi,
Governor Alvear found the bodies of ten missionaries and over 260 other
persons who had been murdered by the rebels. By a remarkable forced
march of sixteen leagues on the day and night of February 12, Governor
Alvear was able to make a surprise attack on the Indians at Tenerapa.
Sixty Tepehuanes were killed there and 220 prisoners, including women
and children, were sent in chains to Guadiana on March 4. The prison-
ers later " were sentenced and apportioned ".

Meanwhile in three other widely separated parts of the country other
Spaniards had assumed offensive operations against the rebels. At Gua-
diana an attack ordered by Lieutenant-General Rafael de Gascue upon the
Indians assembled not far away, at El Tunal, resulted in disaster for the
Indians. A successful punitive expedition was made through the Tepe-
huane towns to the west of Guadiana by Captain Bartolome Juarez, pre-
sidial captain at San Hipolito. By him punishment was exacted of the
Xiximes for having confederated with the Tepehuanes. From Sinaloa,
150 leagues distant from Guadiana, Captain Domingo Martinez de Hur-
daide instituted a campaign against the Tepehuanes in the mountains to
the west of Sinaloa. Unrest among the Indians of Sinaloa, however,
prevented him from achieving much success.

169 Ibid.

170 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 322) says that the rebellion began on Nov. 16. Unless other-
wise indicated, the contemporary account, hereinafter printed (pp. 101-115), will be fol-
lowed. For details not herein given, see Bancroft, op. cit., pp. 320-329.

171 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 306) says that Gaspar de Alvear y Salazar was governor of
Nueva Vizcaya from 1615 to 1618.

38 Introduction

Between March and September, 1617, Governor Alvear, at the request
of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, made a strenuous expedition to Nueva
Galicia to put down rebellions that had broken out in some of the towns
along the South Sea, in that province. En route to Nueva Galicia,
Governor Alvear suppressed an uprising in the province of Chiametla,
after which he succored the presidio of Acaponeta in Nueva Galicia.
Having restored peace in that region, he returned to Guadiana. Shortly
after his return three companies of soldiers arrived at Guadiana from
Mexico City. These had been sent by the viceroy at the request of
Lieutenant-General Gascue.

The Indians, who by that time had resumed the offensive, at once be-
gan to retire. They " separated into six armed congregations, or groups,
many leagues distant each from the other, so that they had come to em-
brace the entire government, the Tepehuanes having mingled with many
other nations ". This called for offensive action on the part of the Span-
iards, and between November, 161 7, and May, 16 18, five fairly success-
ful expeditions were made against the rebels. Captain Juarez led a cam-
paign against the Mesquital and the Guazamota Indians and their allies ;
Captains Ontiveros, Castaneda, and Aguirre were in charge of operations
in the direction of Santa Barbara; Captain Montano was sent to Guane-
cebi by way of El Diablo Pass and Tecuchiapa; and Captain Mosquera
proceeded against the Salineros, the Conchos, Tobosos, and the Nofio-
ques Indians. From early February until mid-March, 1618, Governor
Alvear was also in the field. Within fifteen days after he left Guadiana
he had captured and executed a very warlike Tepehuane, Gogojito by
name, and had put the latter's followers to flight. This influenced the
Xiximes, the Acaxees,172 and various other nations in that district to
submit. After an absence of seventy days Governor Alvear returned to
Guadiana. The Tepehuane rebellion had been suppressed.

According to Bancroft, the Indians " had devastated the whole district
of central Durango, destroying a large amount of mining and agricul-
tural property and retarding the industrial progress of the country by at
least fifty years. . . . They had lost one thousand warriors including
their best chieftains; many of their women and children were captives;
their fields had been ravaged; and most of their plunder was lost. Above
all their god had utterly disappointed them; not one of his predictions had
come to pass ".173

3. The administration of Governor Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1625. As
early as December 14, 1620, and as late as April 30, 1625, Admiral Mateo
de Vesga was governor and captain-general of the " kingdom and prov-

172. According to Bancroft {op. at., I. 324) the Tepehuanes "could not draw into the
open revolt the pueblos of the Acaxees and Xiximes, though they were able through
certain disaffected individuals and bands to cause much trouble, doubtless receiving aid
and shelter throughout the war ".

173 Bancroft, op. cit., I. 328-329.

Introduction 39

inces of Nueva Vizcaya, Chiametla, Copala, and Sinaloa, and their
provinces 'V74 If the records of his administration, hereinafter pub-
lished,175 do only half justice to Governor Vesga, he is to be rated not only
as a most efficient and constructive administrator, but as a great pacifier
of the Indians of his vast jurisdiction. In a report upon the condition of
Durango and of the province of Nueva Vizcaya, dated June 17, 1624,
Governor Vesga states that at the time that he took office as governor
he found Durango " in a wretched state with respect to people and citizens
as well as dwelling houses . . . ; farms were destroyed, the churches and
dwellings of the fathers of the Company of Jesus, who were^ governing
the affairs of the Indians, were burned and destroyed, and the reduction
works for taking out silver at the mining camps and the adjacent farms
were burned ".176 By 1624, however, commerce and population were in-
creased, an unprecedented building campaign was under way in Durango,
and new farms and mining establishments and settlements had been de-
veloped in the vicinity of the latter town. The various buildings that were
in the course of construction in Durango were listed by Governor Vesga,
and included an Augustinian monastery; twenty-two new residences,
including one " very sumptuous and large house of great value " which
belonged to the factor, Rafael Gascue; two houses that were being re-
modelled; and ten stores. A half -league from Durango the governor had
founded the Indian pueblo of San Antonio, settled by recently pacified
Indians. Within a radius of several leagues of Durango one lime-kiln
had been established and five new farms and ranches had been settled.
Furthermore, since Governor Vesga from the beginning had governed
with characteristic " good management, ability, and good administra-
tion ", farms, mines, and Jesuit churches and dwellings that had been
burned or destroyed prior to the beginning of his administration had by
the middle of 1624 been re-established.177

As a pacifier of the turbulent Indians of his jurisdiction Governor
Vesga deserves even greater credit than as an administrator. The records
of his early successes in this respect were compiled, as the result of a
gubernatorial order dated April 28, 1622, by Luis de la Puente, royal and
government clerk, in order that the king and the Council of the Indies
might have knowledge concerning " the present state of this government
in the matter of the tranquillity and peace of its Indians ".178 Between
December 14, 1620, and January 17, 1621, forty-six Indian governors,
caciques, captains, and other natives from the district of San Pablo, the

174 See papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620- 1622, p. 119, infra, and Coronado's
report to Governor Vesga, ibid., pp. 147-153. In a list of governors of Nueva Vizcaya
given by Bancroft (op. cit., p. 306) the name of Governor Vesga does not appear. For
the location of the above named provinces, see note 4, supra.

175 See pp. 1 19-153, infra.

176 Auto of Governor Vesga, June 17, 1624, p. 145, infra.

177 Ibid., pp. 145, 147-

178 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622, p. 119, infra.

40 Introduction

pueblos of Las Milpillas Grande, and those of El Zape, El Potrero, Ayupa,
Las Lajas, Casaria, and Cocorotame appeared before Governor Vesga in
Durango and entered into peace pacts with him individually and in the
name of their subjects.179

This happy progress in the pacification and submission of the Indian
chiefs was rudely disturbed by reports which Governor Vesga received
on January 21, 1621, from various religious and lay officials. These ad-
vised that the Tepehuanes of the valley of San Pablo and San Ignacio,
together with some Tarahumares, had rebelled, and that they had com-
mitted arson and robbery in addition to having murdered some of the
Spaniards and friendly Indians upon the farms of that district. A relief
expedition was at once despatched to the scene of the rebellion. Later
Governor Vesga himself led a punitive expedition against the rebels.
From the valley of San Pablo, where the governor halted, Maestre de
Campo de la Cueba with a force of Spanish soldiers and 200 friendly
Indians advanced into the country of the Tarahumares. After eighteen
days De la Cueba returned, bringing with him eleven Tarahumare pris-
oners, including Don Juan Code, the self-styled " king of all the Tara-
humare nation, numbering four thousand Indians ". Don Juan Code
and two other Tarahumares entered into peace pacts with Governor Vesga
and promised henceforth to aid the Spaniards against the Tepehuane
rebels. The Tarahumare prisoners were discharged after having been
paid for the time they had served.

En route back to Durango Governor Vesga divided his forces at the
valley of San Bartolome and with one division visited the pueblos and
rancherias of the Tepehuane Indians, who were at peace with the Span-
iards. Between May 13 and May 20, 1621, the pueblo of El Zape, in the
jurisdiction of the mines of Guanecebi, the pueblos of Santa Catalina and
Santiago Papasquiaro, and the pueblo of Capinamaiz, in the jurisdiction
of San Juan del Rio, were visited. At each of these pueblos the native
chiefs and the entire populace entered into peace pacts with the governor.
In addition the native officials and residents of the pueblos of Las Mil-
pillas, La Sauceda, and Canatu met the governor at Capinamaiz and asked
to be allowed to make peace pacts with him.

After the return of Governor Vesga to Durango delegations of Indians
continued to visit him and to solicit ratification of peace pacts. Among
those who came for this purpose were an Indian chief of the Toboso
nation and four other Toboso Indians. They notified the governor on
May 27 that the Toboso, the Achaelame, the Nonotie, and the Xipocale
Indians had gone down to the pueblo of Atotonilco for the double pur-
pose of making peace and harvesting their crops in the valley of San
Bartolome. The governor entered into peace pacts with them and, in
order to insure their protection, offered a writ of protection in their favor
to be issued to the justice court of the valley of San Bartolome.

179 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, pp. 119-121, infra.

Introduction 41

The following year, on January 16, 1622, the cacique and governor of
the Tepehuanes, who lived near the mines of Mapimi, craved peace of
the governor. On March 6 a very bellicose Tepehuane chieftain named
El Xixicutta accepted from the governor an offer of pardon for himself
and followers, after they had been in retirement in the sierras for four
years. On April II, 1622, Cocani, the governor and cacique of the pueblo
of Guaricame, one of the pueblos of the Umes nations, and twenty of his
subjects entered into peace pacts with Governor Vesga. Seventeen days
later Cristobal, the alcalde, and eight natives of the new pueblo of San
Francisco de Ocatan appeared before the governor to notify him that
theretofore they had been afraid to come down from the sierras, but
" trusting that his lordship as a Christian would favor and protect them,
they had come down and had settled the new pueblo called San Francisco
de Ocatan ". The governor entered into peace pacts with them as they
desired.180

After this Governor Vesga received reports from Captain Francisco
de Castro, alcalde mayor of the mines of Guanecebi, which advised that
Don Pedro, cacique of El Zape pueblo, and Don Lorenzo, of El Potrero
pueblo, had disappeared and, in co-operation with a half-breed by the
name of Captain Mateo Canelas, were conspiring to effect a rebellion and
elect " for their king and chief the said Mateo Canelas ". Current reports
that the Indian Francisco Onate, who had rebelled some days earlier, was
operating in the mountain ranges of El Carnu in the vicinity of El Zape
and El Potrero, together with the slight confidence which the governor
had in the Tepehuanes, induced Governor Vesga to proceed cautiously
and to endeavor to induce Onate to make peace. Accordingly he sent to
Onate an offer of friendship and as a present a handsome " banner of
crimson taffeta silk, bearing in the centre a picture of Our Lady of the
Rosary ". The present and the offer of peace were both accepted by Fran-
cisco Onate and on April 27, accompanied by his two sons, he appeared
before alcalde mayor Francisco de Castro at Las Casas, the latter's place
of residence. In the presence of several military and religious persons
Francisco Onate, at his earnest solicitation, was pardoned for his offenses
and entered into peace pacts with the Spaniards.181

Meanwhile disorders among the Conchos Indians had occasioned Gov-
ernor Vesga considerable anxiety. It appears that during the year 1621
Captain Cristobal Sanchez, deputy chief justice and war captain of the
residents of the valley of San Bartolome, had despatched a Concho cacique
into the interior country to summon his fellow-tribesmen to come to work
in the fields and farms of the valley, as was their annual custom. On this
occasion, however, the native emissary of the Spanish justice was at-
tacked and seriously wounded. Because of this the residents of the valley

180 Ibid., pp. 12 1- 129, infra.

181 Ibid., pp. 129- 13 1, infra.

42 Introduction

of San Bartolome offered to make a punitive expedition against the of-
fending Conchos at no other expense to the king than a barrel of powder,
necessary iron for shoeing horses and mules, and the cost of a pack-train
to carry the provisions for the friendly Indians who were to accompany
the expedition. Governor Vesga learned of the above developments on
November 5, 162 t. The following day he assembled a junta, composed
of the persons experienced in war, to deliberate upon the proposed expe-
dition to be made by the citizens of the valley of San Bartolome against
the bellicose Conchos Indians. The members of the junta unanimously
recommended that the governor should accept the offer of the citizens
of the valley of San Bartolome to serve without pay, that he should ap-
point an experienced soldier to lead the expedition, and that the latter
should be warned not to permit any harm to be done to the Indian women
and children. It was further recommended that the equipment asked for
by the citizens of the valley of San Bartolome should be provided, and
that a pack-train of thirty mules should be equipped for a period of two
months, the cost of all of which should be taken from the 6000 pesos
that was annually appropriated as a peace and war fund.

The above recommendations were carried out on November 8 and the
same day instructions were drawn up for Captain Cristobal Sanchez,
deputy alcalde mayor of the province, as the leader of the expedition.
Captain Sanchez received his commission and the supplies on Novem-
ber 22 and at once enlisted a Spanish force and eighty-five caciques, gov-
ernors, captains, and subjects of the Concha nation. The expedition left
the town of San Francisco on December 25, 162 1, and after several en-
counters with the rebellious Indians a number of the latter were captured
and punished. As a result the others made peace.182

During 1624 Governor Vesga continued to receive the submission of
Indians of Nueva Vizcaya. In March, 1624, he was visited by Don Bal-
tasar, cacique and governor of the pueblo of Ticonazo, who, with his
Christian Indian followers, was then residing by command of the gover-
nor in Cerro Gordo. Don Baltasar was accompanied by a Tepehuane
Indian named Don Agustin, who told Governor Vesga that eighty-five
Indian men and women, desiring peace, had come down to submit, and
that he had established them at a settlement in Cerro Gordo. At the same
time Don Baltasar notified the governor that he had imprisoned and hanged
in El Canutillo a Tepehuane Indian named Juan, a native of the pueblo
of El Zape, who had engaged in highway robbery and rebellious activity.
As a result of this drastic warning the other Indians had remained quiet
and the country was pacified. As a reward for their services and because
they promised thenceforth to arrest any highwaymen, the two Indians
begged the governor to give them some clothes and to permit them to
continue to dwell in the pueblo of Santa Maria del Cerro Gordo. The

182 Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, pp. 131-135, infra.

Introduction 43

governor gave them the craved-for permission to remain and live in the
pueblo of Santa Maria, and ordered that Don Baltasar and Don Agustin
and their followers should be supplied with such articles as common cloth,
serges, hats, blankets, petticoats for their women, axes, machetes, and
two young bulls which they were to kill and distribute among their people.
In addition they were given seven pesos and a fraction of money. The
cost of these presents was ordered paid from the 6000 pesos which was
appropriated annually as a peace and war fund.

On May 7, 1624, Father Fray Lazaro de Espinosa, guardian of the
Franciscan convent of San Buenaventura at the pueblo of Atotonilco, in
the province of Santa Barbara, arrived in Durango, accompanied by
Don Jusepe, the Indian governor and cacique of Atotonilco ; Diego, son
of Don Agustin, the captain and governor of the Toboso nation ; Alonso,
captain of a rancheria of Toboso Indians; and another Toboso Indian
named Jacobo. The chiefs Diego and Alonso told Governor Vesga that
they and their subjects, the Nofiojes, or Cochames Chicos, and some of
the Tepehuanes and Salineros had been at war with the Spaniards for
twenty years, during which time they had not submitted to the Spanish
king, nor had they received Christian instruction ; on the visit of Governor
Vesga in 1622 to the Santa Barbara district they had declined to accept
his peace terms and had dared the governor to come into the mountains
against them. It was against them that the governor had sent an expe-
dition under Captain Cristobal Sanchez. Confessing the errors of their
past actions, they begged the governor in the name of a large number
of their subjects, settled at a place fifteen leagues from Atotonilco, to
accept their offer of peace and to indicate where they might settle. The
governor accepted their offer and gave instructions that they were to
settle six leagues from Atotonilco, at San Felipe on the Rio Florido,
where they were to build a church and dwellings and plant their crops.
Before they left the governor ordered that gifts of clothing, knives, shoes,
hats, needles, and thread should be given to the Indians. As a token of
appreciation of his efforts to effect this happy submission, and as reim-
bursement for what had been spent in the undertaking, it was ordered that
Fray Espinosa should be paid seventy-five pesos in silver.183

From the far western province of Sinaloa on the last day of April,
1625, Pedro Coronado, a duly accredited emissary of Captain Diego
Martinez de Urdaide, lieutenant governor and captain-general of the
province of Sinaloa, arrived in Durango to report to Governor Vesga
concerning the state of that province and the progress of the war which
Captain Urdaide had waged against the Soes, Calimones, and other na-
tions of that province. Coronado informed the governor that the chief
operations of Captain Urdaide had been directed against the Soes Indians,

183 " From the bundle of papers touching upon the affairs of the rebellious Indians of
Nueva Vizcaya ", etc., pp. 137-143, infra.

44 Introduction

who lived only four leagues from the presidio and Jesuit mission of Mon-
tesclaros. A Soes Indian named Jocopillo had been the chief organizer
of the rebellion and had enlisted the co-operation of the Calimones, who
lived five leagues from the Soes, and the Apacales, whose captain was a
very bellicose Indian by the name of Huechuri.

At the time of the moon agreed upon, the Soes assembled for the pur-
pose of killing the Jesuits, Fathers Castin and Julio Pascual, and the
Christian neophytes. Fathers Castin and Pascual escaped because of
having gone to other missions, but eight Christian chiefs were killed at
the pueblo of Vaca because they were not willing to join in the rebellion.
At the same time the Indians at the pueblo of Calimones, which was not
far from that of Vaca, rebelled, burned the town, and defied Captain
Urdaide to meet them on the field of battle. A messenger who was sent
to them with certain demands was roasted and eaten by them.

Fearing that the uprising would spread to the other nations of the prov-
ince, Captain Urdaide took the field against the rebels with forty-eight
well-equipped Spaniards and five hundred friendly Indians. At the end
of a twelve-days' campaign, Captain Urdaide laid siege to the hostile
Indians who had retired to a " rough and strong " rock. The siege en-
dured thirty days, at the end of which the Spaniards and their allies
divided into squads, " gained the said rock, and gave battle to the enemy ".
One hundred and fifty of the hostiles were killed, many were wounded,
forty men and women were taken prisoners, and the others fled to the
sierras. During the siege four Spaniards were wounded and thirty of
their Indian allies were killed. Before he returned to Montesclaros
Captain Urdaide hanged twenty Indians, and after he reached Montes-
claros twenty-six of the prisoners, " criminals and murderers ", were
either banished from the province or sentenced " to personal service for
a limited time ". One-third of the profit therefrom was applied " to the
court expenses of his Majesty and the expenses of the expedition ". At
the time that Coronado left Sinaloa Captain Urdaide was ill in bed.
suffering from a broken arm, but the province was entirely at peace.
Three soldiers who had accompanied Coronado to Durango corroborated
his statements.184

4. The administration of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1666-
1670. Antonio de Oca Sarmiento formally entered upon his duties as
governor of Nueva Vizcaya at Durango early in January, 1666.185 Under
instructions from the crown he was, without limitation as to time, to
conduct the residencia of his predecessor, Don Francisco de Gorraez,186

184 Coronado's report to Governor Vesga, pp. 141-153, infra.

185 Bancroft {North Mexican States, I. 337) says that Oca Sarmiento was governor
of Nueva Vizcaya during the period from 1665 to 1670. See Documentos de la Nueva-
Vizcaya, in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, fourth ser., III. 231-266, for cor-
respondence relating to missionary interest in the Casas Grandes region during the
administration of Governor Oca Sarmiento.

186 Bancroft (op. cit., I. 337) says that Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont was governor
of Nueva Vizcaya during the years 1662- 1665.

Introduction 45

and in addition was to investigate the murder of some natives, alleged to
have been due to the negligence of Governor Gorraez and his ministers,
and also certain alleged frauds in the administration of the finance of
the province. A special cedula of June 8, 1665, issued in his favor granted
him, during his incumbency as governor of Nueva Vizcaya, complete im-
munity from interference by residencies judges of the Audiencia of
Guadalajara.

Upon his arrival at Durango Governor Oca Sarmiento learned that
the Salineros, Tonoza, Yacoclames, and other Indians were allied in a
formidable rebellion. Two weeks later, while the governor was en route
to El Parral, which was then the permanent residence of the provincial
governors, a wagon-train, which had been despatched for quicksilver
under the command of Captain Pedro de Andrade, was attacked at a
point seventy leagues distant from El Parral and all of the men in it,
including the soldier escort, were killed. Accordingly, before proceeding
to El Parral, Governor Oca Sarmiento recruited all the soldiers and
Indian allies that he could and took the field against the rebels. First
he put to flight the Indians who had attacked the wagon-train, after
which he reconnoitred the adjacent country and the passes by which the
Indians were accustomed to enter. Upon finally reaching El Parral the
governor learned that the rebellious activity of the Conchos Indians was
seriously interfering with the normal commerce between the rich and pro-
ductive territory of those Indians and the provinces of New Mexico and
Sinaloa. The governor accordingly led an expedition against them. He
met with quick success, and after he had punished the leaders he was able
to conclude a complete reconnaissance of the entire kingdom.

The residencia of Governor Gorraez had been partially concluded by
Governor Oca Sarmiento, assisted by Don Juan Zessati, oidor of the
Audiencia of Guadalajara, by March 19, 1667, and the former governor
had been sentenced " except in the matter of a forced loan ", which he
asserted that he had secured under direct authority from the king. The
sentence as passed required Gorraez to make restitution of certain funds
to the real hacienda. In the matter of the forced loan, Oca Sarmiento
found that Gorraez had called for it in Durango, the Real de Cuencame,
the Real de Guanecebi, and a few other settlements without authority for
having done so, and also that " he had not proceeded judicially either in
safeguarding the fund or in keeping an account of it in proper manner ".
Oca Sarmiento also- reported that the declarations of Gorraez did not
seem to conform with the amounts which he declared that he had col-
lected, " the amounts being greater and the provinces more numerous "
than he acknowledged in his declaration. The investigation concerning
the forced loan had not been concluded by March 19, 1667, at which time
Gorraez, whose health was greatly impaired, had been granted permis-
sion to go to Mexico City for treatment, after having been required to
designate by power of attorney a competent person to represent him.

46 Introduction

The residencia of Gorraez revealed the fact that Valerio Cortes, who
had served during the entire term of Gorraez as sargento mayor, had
been found guilty, " upon his own answers ", of insubordination to Gov-
ernor Gorraez. Particularly was he under suspicion because on one occa-
sion he had even boasted that he was " the key to the kingdom ". In order
to put to a test the loyalty and ability of Cortes, Governor Oca Sarmiento
placed him in command of an expedition against some Indians. Cortes
disobeyed his instructions, proved himself to be incompetent, and was
removed from his command by the governor, who charged him " with all
the faults and crimes which were shown in the answers given by Don
Francisco de Gorraez ". The ensuing investigation revealed that Cortes
had been guilty of habitual mistreatment of the natives, which had re-
sulted in many murders and in uprisings of friendly Indians, who were
then " waging the worst wars " in that kingdom. It was also revealed that
he had committed atrocities against his " slaves and servants from which
deaths resulted ".

At this juncture Cortes, who had been proceeding in a most patronizing
manner, secured from the Audiencia of Guadalajara a writ instructing
Governor Oca Sarmiento to remit the case against him and to take no
cognizance of it. In view of his royal commission, which instructed him
to conduct the residencia of the preceding administration, Governor Oca
Sarmiento denied that the audiencia had power to inhibit him in the
matter and continued to investigate the crimes of Cortes. These investi-
gations revealed that Cortes had as accomplices an expelled Jesuit by the
name of Don Francisco de los Rios, who had been most bitter and lacking
in decency in his opposition to Governor Gorraez, and a fractious indi-
vidual and murderer by the name of Don Francisco Samosa, to whom
Cortes had agreed to give his daughter in marriage. At the request of
Governor Oca Sarmiento, the bishop of Durango ordered Don Francisco
de los Rios to quit both the kingdom and the diocese, while the governor
arrested and imprisoned Samosa. The latter soon afterward escaped
during the absence of the governor on a campaign to pacify the Conchos
and to punish the Tobosos Indians. Thereupon the three men appealed to
the Audiencia of Guadalajara. Fearful that these men would attempt
to embarrass him in the further prosecution of his duty, in contravention
of the specific cedula of June 8, 1665, which gave him immunity from
interference of residencia judges of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, Gov-
ernor Oca Sarmiento requested the queen to give orders that the above
cedula should be respected. With reference to the investigation into the
conduct of Cortes, the governor requested the queen to " command the
Audiencia of Guadalajara to stop interfering in a matter of so great im-
portance to the service of his Majesty as the peace and quiet of this
kingdom and its provinces, the satisfaction of the real hacienda, and the
relief of the natives " whom Cortes had " so often persecuted with harsh-
ness ". Similar requests were made of the viceroy, who was asked further

Introduction 47

to instruct the audiencia " that in the affairs of ordinary jurisdiction "
they should " admit appeals only ".18T

5. The administration of Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1676-1678.
Don Martin de Revollar, governor of Nueva Vizcaya, died at El Parral
on November 19, 1676.188 After his death so many murders and other
atrocities were committed by eleven nations of hostile Indians who lived
in the mountain ranges on the right side of the highway from Guadiana
to El Parral that the entire province, according to reports made to the
viceroy, was in danger of being lost. These hostiles were commonly re-
ferred to as Tobosos, although that name was applied only to the bravest
of the several nations. To cope with this dangerous situation the viceroy
appointed Don Lope de Sierra Osorio, oidor of the Audiencia of Mexico,
as governor and captain-general of Nueva Vizcaya.189 Don Lope left
Mexico City for El Parral on January 23, i6jj, and arrived at the latter
place on April 21, 1677.190 His term was a short one for in December of
the next year he was serving as visitor of Guatemala.191

Upon his arrival in Nueva Vizcaya Don Lope found that throughout
the length and breadth of the kingdom the " hostile Indians were wan-
dering about, committing murders and robberies without resistance ".
He at once assumed the offensive, with the result that in a few days after
his arrival thirty-three of the hostiles were killed in a surprise attack.
His subsequent successes the governor later naively reported to the king
as follows : " In the period of the first four months our Lord favored me
with other very happy successes in that we killed and took from them
more than three or four hundred persons, while they did not kill or
wound any of our force.,, The Tobosos were finally reduced to peace and
by Governor Sierra Osorio were settled at San Francisco de Conchos.
There they soon became " such enemies to the rebellious Indians " that
they constituted in 1678 " the principal defense of Nueva Vizcaya ", and
were the ones whom the hostile Indians feared most.

Because of their faithlessness, apostasy, and inhuman methods of war-
fare, Governor Sierra Osorio did not feel very charitably disposed to
some of the Indians of Nueva Vizcaya. In fact it was his expressed con-
viction that there was among them no Indian with bow and arrow who
did not " merit pain of death ". The governor predicted that unless very
determined war was made upon them there was a risk of Nueva Vizcaya,
Nueva Galicia, and New Mexico being completely lost. It is interesting

187 Oca Sarmiento to the viceroy, El Parral, Mar. 12, 1667, pp. 189-195, infra ; Oca Sar-
miento to the queen, El Parral, Mar. 19, 1667, ibid., pp. 195-199.

188 A. Robles, Diario de los Anos 1665-1703, in Documentos para la Historia de
Mexico, first ser., II. (Mexico, 1853) 224.

189 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, pp. 211-217, infra.

190 Robles, op. cit., p. 230; Documentos de la Nueva-Vizcaya, in Documentos para la
Historia de Mexico, fourth sen, III. 298-300.

191 J. A. Villcorta, Historia de la America Central (Guatemala, 1920), p. 09.

48

Introduction

to note that this statement was made only two years before the disastrous
Pueblo Indian rebellion in New Mexico.

During his administration Governor Sierra Osorio learned of a royal
order which fixed the price of quicksilver at 220 pesos per quintal and
required the miners to go to Vera Cruz for it. The governor at once
notified the king that he believed that this price was exorbitant and that
it would have a very depressing influence on the mining industry. At the
same time he told the king that if quicksilver were supplied to the miners
at cost the royal fifths 192 alone would amount to " three times as much
as the price of quicksilver sent to the Indies ". Finally, because of the
excessive poverty of the miners and the great distance to Vera Cruz the
king modified his ruling and ordered the quicksilver to be placed in royal
depositories and apportioned to the miners on four months' credit.193

6. The administration of Governor Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar
de Francos, 1687-1693, and fears of French aggressions on the Texas
coast. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos assumed the gov-
ernorship of Nueva Vizcaya in the early fall of 1687 and served until the
early part of 1693. 194 After he entered upon his duties there was dis-
covered in the region of the recently converted Tarahumare Indians one
of the richest mineral deposits that had thereto been discovered. By the
latter part of 1688 this deposit was yielding a great deal of silver, and
machines, both for fire and quicksilver, were being utilized for extracting
the ore.

The paucity of the Spanish population and the hostility of the Indian
tribes constituted the greatest potential handicaps for the peace and de-
velopment of Nueva Vizcaya. Governor Pardinas in 1688 reported some
success in his efforts to reconcile the Indians who lived along the highway
between El Parral and Sonora to the settlement of Spaniards in their
territory, but stated that he had not been able to reduce the hostiles of the
kingdom despite the fact that he had made constant war upon them. In
part he attributed his lack of success in this respect to the openness of
the country, which enabled the Indians to attack, rob, and kill with
impunity.

In order to put an end to this deplorable situation, Governor Pardinas
made offensive war upon the hostile Indians, yet his only success was in
a campaign against the Pimas. This populous and brave Indian nation
had repudiated its allegiance to the king and had caused some of the best
mines in the province of Sonora to be depopulated. Governor Pardinas

192 A tax paid by miners to the Spanish crown and amounting to a fifth on all metals
mined. "The 'fifth' was the name always applied to this tax, though it soon became
only a tenth." H. I. Priestley, The Mexican Nation: a History (New York, 1923),
p. 131.

193 Informe of Sierra Osorio, 1678, pp. 211-217, infra.

194 Pardinas to the king, El Parral, Nov. 21, 1688, p. 229, infra; fiscal's reply, Madrid,
Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 419, 455-

Introduction 49

sent reinforcements to the alcalde mayor of Sonora, with the result that
the enemy was harassed, " after many deaths on both sides ", and finally
was forced to sue for peace. After this Governor Pardinas reported that
the Pimas had been settled in pueblos and rancherias and that they had
asked " for the largest number of ministers to instruct them in the holy
Catholic faith (a thing which it has not been possible to accomplish in
more than forty years)".

It was the boast of Governor Pardinas that he controlled and patrolled
his vast jurisdiction without extra expense to the real hacienda. This
was effected by making use of three grades of soldiers, namely, regular
presidial soldiers, drafted civilians, and Indian auxiliaries. The presidials
were employed in guarding the highways and in serving as convoys for
commercial expeditions. The civilians were used upon expeditions which
the governor led in person. The auxiliaries, who were paid and provi-
sioned from the annual fund for peace and war, were regarded by Gov-
ernor Pardinas as absolutely indispensable for maintaining order and for
obstructing the expeditions of the hostiles. It was Governor Pardinas's
expressed belief that by the use of these soldiers Sonora had been spared
" the same peril that was experienced in New Mexico " in the Indian
rebellion of 1680.

In the latter part of 1688 Governor Pardinas received ominous reports
of foreign aggression in the north. In a letter to the king on November 21,
1688, he said : " The Indians of the Rio del Norte, in whom I have confi-
dence, have informed me that some foreign people are in that territory
. . . and are trying to thrust themselves upon the natives ".195 Such a
menace called for and resulted in a prompt investigation. The documents
which narrate the full story of the Spanish defensive preparations in
Nueva Vizcaya in view of what proved to be the French menace on the
Texas coast are hereinafter published for the first time. They show, for
the first time, that the selfish interest displayed by La Salle in the silver
mines of Nueva Vizcaya at the time that he presented his two petitions,
or memorials, to Louis XIV.196 did not wane, even in the face of discour-
agement and hardships, after the establishment of Fort St. Louis on the
Texas coast. In fact, the documents hereinafter published show that
expeditions were actually made by the French up the Rio Grande del
Norte to within seven days' journey, or an estimated distance of sixty-
seven leagues,197 of La Junta, at the junction of the Rio Grande and
Conchos rivers. A summary of this, one of the most romantic episodes
in the history of the Spanish advance in North America, follows :

Between the years 1685 and 1689 tne Spanish and viceregal courts in
Madrid and Mexico City were profoundly agitated by the news that an

195 Pardinas to the king, El Parral, Nov. 21, 1688, pp. 229-233, infra.

196 See F. Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West (Boston, 1884),
PP. 322-330.

197 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, El Parral, Apr. 11, 1689, pp. 263, 265, infra.

50 Introduction

expedition under La Salle had established a foothold for France some-
where on the Gulf Coast between Tampico and Apalache Bay.198 Expedi-
tions were promptly sent out, both by land and by sea, to find and to de-
stroy this settlement. In 1688 Alonso de Leon, governor of Coahuila,
who had previously led two expeditions from Nuevo Leon in search of
the French, learned that some Indians north of the Rio Grande were
ruled over by a white chief. Concluding that this man must be a French-
man, Governor De Leon at once organized an expedition to go in search
of him. At a distance of forty-two leagues northeast of present Mon-
clova, De Leon and his force crossed the Rio Grande, and about twenty
leagues further on reached the rancheria of the white chief.199 He proved
to be a demented Frenchman, by the name of Jarri, or Jean Gery,200 who
was pretending, in grotesquely crude yet barbaric splendor, to play the
role of king.201 Apparently he was not one of La Salle's settlers, but in-
stead was an independent adventurer who had wandered into Texas from
the Illinois country or from Canada.202

Governor De Leon carried the Frenchman to Monclova and later sent
him to the viceroy in Mexico City. Little or no satisfactory information
could be secured from him, however, and the search by the Spaniards for
La Salle's settlement was continued. The following year De Leon finally
reached the then abandoned French fort near the so-called Bay of Espiritu
Santo on the Texas coast.203 By that time the French menace, at least
temporarily, had been dispelled as the joint result of maritime disaster,
pestilence, Indian hostility, and the treachery and jealousy of some of
the Frenchmen themselves.204 Before the menace was dispelled, however,
it agitated profoundly far-western Nueva Vizcaya and aroused the heroic
and defensive efforts of the officials of that distant frontier province.
Indeed, these efforts were so effective that the officials of Nueva Vizcaya
learned of " the activities and final fate of La Salle's colony before the
viceregal government, with all its industry, succeeded in clearing up the
mystery ".205

The first news to reach Nueva Vizcaya of foreign aggressions on the
Gulf Coast appears to have been received by way of La Junta de los Rios.
In the course of the year 1687 some Cibolo and Jumano Indians, whose
rancheria was three days' journey below La Junta,206 asked Father Colina,

198 Dunn, Spanish and French Rivalry, pp. 36-47.

199 Dunn, op. cit., pp. 85-87.

200 H. E. Bolton, The Spanish Borderlands (New Haven, 1921), p. 214; Dunn, op. cit.,
p. 88, n. 9.

201 Dunn, op. cit., p. 86.

202 Bolton, op. cit., p. 214.

203 For the location of La Salle's fort, see H. E. Bolton, " The Location of La Salle's
Colony on the Gulf of Mexico ", in Mississippi Valley Historical Review, II. 165-182.

204 Dunn, op. cit., pp. 86-109.

205 Dunn, op. cit., p. 95.

206 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 265, infra ; declaration of Miguel, ibid., p. 269.

Introduction 51

president of the Franciscan group of missions there, for a letter for some
Spaniards who, they stated, " were going and coming among the Texas
Indians ". By way of reply Father Colina requested that a letter from
these Spaniards should first be brought to him, and this the Cibolos and
Jumanos promised to do. The following year, in September, five Cibolos
visited Father Colina and reported that a white man, whom they referred
to as a Moor, was living with a nation " adjacent to the Texas Indians " ;
that he possessed a long but damaged harquebus and a plate of armor,
with helmet; and that he had been of so much help to the Indians with
whom he was living that they had been able to destroy half of the Michi
Indians, their enemies.207 It seems safe to infer that the white man re-
ferred to was the demented Frenchman Jean Gery.

Still later other Cibolo Indian traders arrived at La Junta de los Rios.
They reported that strangers -were accustomed to go among the Texas
Indians to trade axes, clothing, and other things for horses and fruits of
the land " and also some portions of red earth ". It was further reported
that these strangers went about in plate armor, that they went to sleep
at night on the water where they had wooden houses, one of which had
been sunk, and that the strangers had said that the Spaniards of El Parral
were not good people, but that they, the strangers, were, and that they
were going to penetrate the land of the Spaniards in wagons.208 The
visiting Indian traders further reported that the Cibolo captain, Don
Nicolas, and all of his people, from their rancheria three days' journey
below La Junta,209 were en route to La Junta and that with them was a
" Moor (for in this manner they referred to him)" who claimed to have
escaped from others, " marching near the kingdom of the Texas Indians ",
because they desired to kill him. This Spaniard, in addition to possessing
a damaged harquebus, was reported to have cut off his beard and to have
trimmed his hair in Indian fashion.210 It was further reported that the
Cibolos en route to La Junta were bringing letters from the Spaniards,
or foreigners, who were near the Texas Indians, that were addressed to
the missionaries on the Rio del Norte.211

Before the Cibolos arrived at La Junta the superiors of the Order of
Saint Francis instructed the missionaries there to abandon that region
because of unrest among the Sumas Indians 212 and because of the inability
to afford protection to the missionaries.213 On November 20, 1688,

207 Declaration of Father Agustin de Colina, pp. 241, 243, infra.
20SIbid.; declaration of Father Hinojosa, p. 243, infra.

209 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 265, infra ; declaration of Miguel, ibid., p. 269.

210 This may have been Jean Gery, who was captured by Governor De Leon in the
early summer of 1688.

211 Declaration of Fathers Colina and Hinojosa, loc. cit. ; declarations of Don Nicolas,
Juan de Salieses, and Salvador, pp. 235-239, infra.

212 The Sumas Indians lived on the Mexican side of the Rio del Norte, about twelve
leagues below present El Paso. Hughes, op. cit., p. 310, and authorities cited.

213 Father Colina to Governor Pardifias, San Pedro de Conchos, Nov. 18, 1688,
pp. 245, 247, infra.

52 Introduction

General Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio of San Francisco de
Conchos, learned that Fathers Colina and Hinojosa, accompanied by three
Indians from La Junta, were at the mission of San Pedro de Conchos.
General Retana heard the testimony of the three Indians on November 21,
1688 ;214 the following day he despatched two Indian couriers to La
Junta to bear messages of friendship and cheer to the Indians of La Junta
and to the captains of the upper Rio del Norte. General Retana also re-
quested Don Nicolas, the Cibolo captain, to send him the letters which
he was bringing and to meet him at La Junta.215 The following day
General Retana heard the testimony of Fathers Colina and Hinojosa.218
Two days later, November 25, General Retana forwarded the original
depositions of the two missionaries and of the three Indians to Governor
Pardinas at El Parral.217

Meanwhile Governor Pardinas had heard that foreigners, whom he
suspected to be Frenchmen, were settled at the Bay of Espiritu Santo, and
were approaching La Junta. In view of this, and because of the rebellious
activity of the Tobosos, Salineros, Cabesas, Chizos, Chichitames, and
Cholemes Indians, Governor Pardinas as early as November 2, 1688, had
ordered General Retana, with ninety Spaniards, to set out from his pre-
sidio of San Francisco de Conchos on November 15 and to proceed to
La Junta. With reference to the rebellious Indians, General Retana was
instructed to wage a vigorous campaign until they were " reduced or
punished so that through fear they may desire peace ". Detailed instruc-
tions for combating the purported French menace were given to him.
He was to cross the Rio del Norte at La Junta, and by entering into
friendly relations and making satisfactory peace terms with the Indians
living on the north side of the river he was to forestall a possible alliance
between them and the Frenchmen supposed to be approaching La Junta.
Next, formal possession of the region was to be taken, both in the name
of the king and for the church, after which the locality was to be recon-
noitred. In case he should learn of any Indians in that region who, like
the Texas Indians, lived under an organized government " with a king,
cacique, or chief whom they obey ", General Retana was to form an alli-
ance with them, thereby " to prevent the said strangers from doing it ",
while the religious were to " cause them to know . . . the things of our
holy faith ". He was also to see that the soldiers behaved most circum-
spectly in their relations with the natives. Finally, General Retana was
instructed to reconnoitre the Bay of Espiritu Santo, or any other port
where he might learn that any foreigners were settled. Through spies he
was to endeavor to learn of the number of the foreigners and the charac-
ter of their fortifications. A full record of " the places, day's marches,

214 See note 213.

215 Auto of Retana, pp. 239, 241, infra.

216 Declarations of Fathers Colina and Hinojosa, pp. 241, 243, infra.

217 Auto of General Retana, San Francisco de Conchos, Nov. 25, 1688, p. 245, infra.

Introduction 53

routes, altitudes, and rivers " was to be kept and sent to the governor.
Ample authority was conferred upon General Retana to exercise disci-
pline over the Spaniards and Indian auxiliaries who were to accompany
him. Munitions, supplies, and mules necessary for the expedition were
furnished on the governor's personal credit, until the accounts might
be paid.21''

En route to La Junta, General Retana exacted punishment of three
rebellious Indian nations and took from them stolen horses, which he
sent back to the rightful owners. After he reached La Junta he sent
Indian scouts to study the routes from there to the Bay of Espiritu Santo.
Shortly afterward General Retana learned that the principal chief of the
Cibolo and Jumano Indians was approaching La Junta on his return from
a visit to the Texas Indians, that he was the bearer of letters for the
Spaniards, and that he would give an account of everything. Accordingly
General Retana went out to meet the Indian chief, who proved to be an
old friend of the Spaniards by the name of Juan Xaviata, or Sabeata.219
This Indian, in the interval between the issuance of Governor Pardinas's
instructions to General Retana on November 2, 1688, and the latter's
arrival at La Junta some time before March 3, 1689, had made a journey
to the east as far as the country of the Texas Indians — without having
waited for General Retana, as the latter had requested — to trade and
" to bring more certain news concerning everything ".22° Xaviata cor-
dially welcomed the Spaniards with General Retana and told them " that
the Moors, for it is thus that the Indians call the French, were already
dead, for the neighboring nations attacked and killed them . . . and that
there was not now one alive where they resided ". However, four or five
Frenchmen were reported to be living among the Texas Indians, described
as " an extensive nation that ought in reason to border on Florida ".
Xaviata stated that he had seen some spoils taken from the French, among
which were " some papers " and a painting of a ship on parchment which
had been given to him. These Xaviata stated he was taking to Governor
Pardifias.

True to his expressed intentions Don Juan Xaviata, accompanied by
Miguel, a captain of the Cibolo and Jumano Indians and by two heathen
Indians, presented himself before Governor Pardifias at El Parral on
April 10, 1689. Xaviata assured the governor that the " Moors " had
been destroyed, and as proof presented to him " two sheets of paper
which appear to be from some book printed by hand, apparently in the

-18Auto of Governor Pardifias, El Parral, Nov. 2, 1688, pp. 249, 251, infra; "Order
for an expedition to reconnoitre the Rio del Norte", El Parral, Nov. 2, 1688, pp. 251-
257, infra.

219 For brief references to Juan Xaviata, see H. E. Bolton, " The Spanish Occupation
of Texas, 1519-1600", in Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVI. 19-20; H. E. Bolton,
" The Jumano Indians in Texas ", in the Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Asso-
ciation, XV. pp. 72-73 ; and Dunn, op. cit., 96-09, 133.

220 Declarations of Don Juan Xaviata, pp. 263, 265, infra.

54 Introduction

French language, and a frigate painted on parchment with some annota-
tions ", all of which were " tied up in a neckcloth of fine wide lace ".221
To-day these most interesting papers, " preserved in this most interesting
manner " and characterized as " doubtless the only relics of La Salle's
Texas colony ",222 are still preserved in the Archives of the Indies, at
Seville, Spain. Photographs of them are herein published for the first
time.223

The day after the arrival of Don Juan Xaviata and his companions at
El Parral Governor Pardinas took the sworn testimony of each concern-
ing the country and the foreigners to the east of La Junta. The witnesses
were asked the distance and the condition of the road from El Parral to
the Texas Indians and to the Bay of Espiritu Santo — whether there were
obstacles along it, or rivers to be forded; how many and what nations
lived along this road; whether the foreigners were still at the Bay of
Espiritu Santo ; and, in case the foreigners were still there, whether they
had conversed with them, and, if so, what had been said.224 The deposi-
tions of these Indians, which shed some new light upon the sad fate of
the La Salle expedition and which are printed hereinafter,225 are most
interesting, even though they are not satisfactorily illuminative in all
details.

According to the Indian deponents, foreigners, with " coats or breast-
plates of steel, and helmets on their heads ", and carrying long harque-
buses, had on no less than three occasions ascended the Rio del Norte.
On the first two visits they ate and danced with the Indians, told them
that they were going to be their relatives, and gave them axes, knives,
and ribbons, and, to the women, beads. They had with them an interpre-
ter, and through him they inquired how far it was to where the Spaniards
were mining silver.226 Between the first and second visits there was a
lapse of two moons and between the second and the third visit there was
a lapse of over three moons.227 On the third and last visit six foreigners
and an Indian interpreter came up the river in canoes and four other for-
eigners came by land to a rancheria seven days' journey, or an estimated
distance of sixty-seven leagues, below La Junta. Again the foreigners
fraternized with the natives, to whom they gave copper ladles, ribbons,
table-knives, and pocket-knives; to the captains they gave some shirts.
Again they asked the Indians how many Spaniards there were in the

221 " The governor arrives from the Rio del Norte ", p. 261, infra.

222 Dunn, op. cit., p. 99, n. 28. See the Appendix to this volume.

223 See opposite pp. 257 and 476. It was through the courtesy of Miss Irene A. Wright
that these photographs were secured.

224 Auto of Governor Pardinas, El Parral, Apr. II, 1689, p. 263, infra.
226 Pp. 263-281, infra.

226 Declaration of Cuis Benive, a heathen Cibolo, p. 275, infra ; declaration of Muy-
gisofac, a heathen Cibolo, ibid., p. 279.

227 Declaration of Miguel, a Christian Cibolo, p. 269, infra; declaration of Cuis
Benive, ibid., p. 275.

Introduction 55

region of El Parral where silver was being mined, and they interrogated
those Indians who had been to harvest crops for the Spaniards in the
valley of San Bartolome. They also told the Indians that the Spaniards
were not good people, but that they were. The visitors remained at the
rancheria for three days, after which they returned by way of the river.
Because the foreigners had rosaries, and " spoke to them of God ", and
took nothing from them, the Indians judged them to be good people, like
the Spaniards. The only thing that seemed strange to them was that
they wore doublets of steel.228

Three moons after the Frenchmen had left the Indian rancheria on
the Rio Grande, Don Juan Xaviata and certain of the Cibolo chiefs
started on their journey to the country of the Texas Indians.229 While on
this journey they learned that all the foreigners, except a few who had
gone to trade with the Texas Indians for maize, had been killed,230 and
that those who had killed them intended " to do likewise with as many
as might come in wooden houses ".231

The Cibolos also saw " plunder of garments and clothing and other
articles " that had belonged to the foreigners, including a cape at one
rancheria which resembled those worn by the Franciscan missionaries.
At one place the Indians danced about much plunder, around which they
" had placed banners of silk on sticks ".232 None of the Christian Cibolos
ventured to visit the site of the French settlement, but two heathen Cibolos
did so. One estimated the site to be ten and the other twelve days' jour-
ney from La Junta. One of them stated that " they found it abandoned
and almost in ruins. They saw some very large harquebuses (the way
these people have of describing pieces of artillery), but they saw no living
thing except some of the pigs which they had ". The other heathen Cibolo
stated that " inside the place where the strangers had lived were many
broken chests ".233 Thus did two Rio Grande Indians who had been to
the Texas coast, who had returned from there to La Junta, and who had
gone on eighty leagues from there to El Parral describe the ruins of
La Salle's settlement. This description, it is interesting to note, was given

228 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, governor of the Cibolos, p. 265, infra ; declara-
tion of Miguel, captain of the Cibolos, ibid., pp. 269, 271 ; declaration of Cuis Benive,
ibid., p. 275.

229 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 265, infra; declaration of Cuis Benive, ibid.,
p. 277.

-80 Don Juan Xaviata testified (p. 265, infra) that the Indians near the sea told him
that they had killed the foreigners. Miguel, captain of the Cibolos, testified that "the
Indians of the region where the sun rises had destroyed and killed the said foreigners "
(p. 221). Cuis Benive, a heathen Cibolo, testified (p. 275) that the Indians of the sierra
had killed the foreigners. Muygisofac, another heathen Cibolo, testified (p. 279) that
the " Indians who live in the sierras and those of the sea-coast had killed them all ".

23i Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 265, infra.

232 Ibid.; declaration of Miguel, ibid., pp. 271, 273; declaration of Cuis Benive, ibid., p.
275 ; declaration of Muygisofac, ibid., p. 279.

233 Declaration of Cuis Benive, pp. 275, 277, infra ; declaration of Muygisofac, ibid.,
p. 279.

56

Introduction

in El Parral eleven days before Governor De Leon of Coahuila on his
fourth expedition reached the ruins of the French fort on April 22,
1689.234

Before returning to La Junta the Cibolo Indians visited the Texas
Indians, who lived at an estimated distance of from eighteen to twenty-
six days' journey from La Junta.235 While among the Texas Indians the
Cibolos met and conversed with five of the survivors of the La Salle
expedition, who received the Indians courteously and inquired concerning
the Spaniards. Because Miguel, the Cibolo captain, offered to conduct
them " to a land of Christian Spaniards ", the Frenchmen started to
accompany the Cibolos on their return journey to La Junta. But on the
third day's journey, because they heard that there were many warlike
Indians along the way, the Frenchmen returned to the Texas Indians,236
after having instructed the Cibolos to notify the Spaniards of their
presence among the Texas Indians, and to ask them to come and " take
them out ".237

En route to La Junta, after having left the Texas Indians, Don Juan
Xaviata was presented with " a good bundle of papers " by an Indian
captain of one of the rancherias near the Texas Indians. Later all of
these papers, except the two sheets of paper and the picture of a ship
which Xaviata presented to Governor Pardifias upon his arrival at El
Parral, were stolen from him by a Coahuila Indian who spoke Spanish.238

The testimony of the four Indians who had been to the Texas country
convinced Governor Pardifias that no longer was there urgent necessity
for reconnoitring the Bay of Espiritu Santo. Accordingly on April 12,
1689, just ten days before Governor Alonso de Leon reached the deserted
French settlement, and, as later evidence showed, corroborated in large
measure the testimony of the four above-mentioned Indians, Governor

234 For a description of De Leon's discovery of the French fort, see Dunn, op. cii.,
pp. 100-109.

135 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, p. 267, infra. Miguel, the captain of the Cibolos,
estimated (p. 273) that the distance from La Junta to the Texas Indians was only eight
days' journey. This was a gross underestimate of the distance. Upon evidence secured
while he was in the La Junta region in 1689, General Retana estimated that the distance
from La Junta to the country of the Texas Indians was twenty-two days' M marches by
wagon ". See Retana to Pardifias, Rio Salado, Mar. 3, 1689, pp. 257, 259, infra.

236 In the latter part of April, 1689, Governor De Leon met two of the survivors of
La Salle's colony twenty-five leagues beyond the San Marcos River, and learned of two
other Frenchmen who had been living among the Texas Indians. The Frenchmen en-
countered by De Leon were Jean Larcheveque and Jacques Groslet (see Dunn, op. cit.,
p. 105). Doubtless these were two of the Frenchmen whom the Cibolo Indians had
conversed with when they were visiting the Texas Indians. Five other Frenchmen were
rescued by De Leon in Texas in 1690, and were sent by him to the viceroy. Letter of
Father Font Cuberta to the father custodio, p. 283, infra.

237 Declaration of Don Juan Xaviata, pp. 265, 267, infra ; declaration of Miguel, ibid.,
pp. 271, 273 ; declaration of Cuis Benive, ibid., p. 275 ; declaration of Muygisofac, ibid.,

p. 279-

238 Same references.

Introduction 57

Pardifias countermanded his previous instructions for General Retana
to reconnoitre the site of the French settlement.239

The following year, 1690, Don Juan Xaviata again visited the country
of the Texas Indians, where he found the situation very different from
what it had been on his former visit. The De Leon-Massanet expedition
of 1690 had burned the desolate French fort near the Bay of Espiritu
Santo, had encountered several other Frenchmen, and had founded the
temporary mission of San Francisco de los Texas at a site eighteen
leagues northeast of the Trinity River. After the establishment of the
mission Governor De Leon and Father Massanet had departed for Coa-
huila on June 2,240 leaving at the new mission only three missionaries,
one lay brother, and three Spanish soldiers.241 Father Massanet was
absent until the following year, when he returned to the Texas country
with the Teran expedition. Soon after his departure for Coahuila Don
Juan Xaviata arrived at San Francisco de los Texas. On September 4
Father Font Cuberta, one of the three missionaries who had been left
there, wrote a letter to the Father custodio at El Paso and entrusted it
to Don Juan Xaviata. The letter related briefly the circumstances that
had left him and his associates at San Francisco de los Texas and told
of reports that white men, whom he suspected to be Frenchmen, were
" some distance to the north " of the Texas country, where there was
reported to be a river so large that it could not be crossed on horseback.
Father Font Cuberta stated that Don Juan Xaviata had told him that it
was " no more than five days' journey " from San Francisco de los Texas
to El Paso,242 and, in view of this, and the rumors that the French were
going to come there, suggested that " it would be a great assistance " if
it were " possible for some soldiers to come and see if these Frenchmen
were approaching ".243

Don Juan Xaviata did not return to La Junta promptly, and the follow-
ing June, 1 69 1, the Teran expedition while en route from Coahuila to
Texas encountered Don Juan Xaviata and a large number of Jumanos
and their allies on the Guadalupe River. Xaviata had letters from the
missionaries at San Francisco de los Texas which told of the death of
Father Font Cuberta.244 A year later, July 7, 1692, Don Juan Xaviata
gave to Governor Pardifias at El Parral an account, hereinafter pub-
lished,245 of his latest expedition to the Texas country. He stated that
he had gone there in fulfillment of Governor Pardinas's request that he

239 Auto of Governor Pardifias, pp. 281, 283, infra.

240 Dunn, op. cit., p. 122.

241 Father Font Cuberta to the father custodio, p. 283, infra; Dunn {op. cit., p. 122)
says that only six Spaniards were left at San Francisco de los Texas.

242 Don Juan Xaviata later repudiated this estimate and stated that the missionary
doubtless had misunderstood him. See auto of Governor Pardifias, p. 287, infra.

243 Father Font Cuberta to the father custodio, pp. 283, 285, infra.

244 Dunn, op. cit., p. 133.

245 Pp. 285-289, infra.

58 Introduction

try to ascertain whether any foreigners had returned to the Bay of
Espiritu Santo. He explained his long absence by the fact that the Span-
iards whom he had met in Texas " were not suspicious people . . . and
so he wandered among different nations ... a period of ten moons ".
After his return to La Junta he had exacted vengeance on certain Indian
nations who had killed, during his absence, a number of his people be-
cause they had not been willing to join in a rebellion against the
Spaniards.246

During the closing months of Pardinas's administration, and while
the decision was pending with respect to the question of removing or
retaining its presidio,247 the western province of Sinaloa was enjoying
comparative peace and stability. At that time, however, it appears that
the authority of the alcalde mayor of Sinaloa was not recognized along
the boundary with Nueva Vizcaya, for Captain Agramont complained to
the viceroy in April, 1693, that his subordinates there did " only what the
alcalde mayor of the Real de San Juan, and deputy of Nacosari ", who
resided in Corodeguachi " for the guarding of that frontier ", told them
to do.

The most serious troubles in Sinaloa in the spring of 1693 were occa-
sioned by " an epidemic of measles in its worst form " and by a pro-
longed drought. Because of the former, work at the camps was at a
standstill, there not being " so much as the stroke of a pick ". As a result
of the drought, and consequent hunger because of short crops, the In-
dians at first had blamed " the God of the Spaniards ", and later some
had run away from their pueblos and rancherias. The drought was also
blamed for " another epidemic among the animals ".

Captain Agramont reported to the viceroy in April, 1693, that 9800
pounds of quicksilver had previously been distributed among the miners
of that region and that another consignment of 10,200 pounds was ex-
pected. An assayer and his assistant were also expected and upon their
arrival the most advantageous site for a smelter was to be selected.248

7. The administration of Governor Don Gabriel del Castillo. Don
Gabriel del Castillo arrived at Durango on March 30, 1693, and at once
assumed the governorship of Nueva Vizcaya; as late as April 28, 1696,
he was still serving as governor.249 Upon his arrival he found that a
crisis was threatening the very existence of that kingdom. A " general
epidemic " prevailed and many of the soldiers were ill. About two weeks
before his arrival the Indians renewed their depredations and by the be-
ginning of April they had committed so many murders, atrocities, and

246 Auto of Governor Pardirias, pp. 285, 287, infra.

247 See pp. 317, 379, infra.

248 Agramont to the viceroy, Sinaloa, Apr. 22, 1693, pp. 315, 317, infra.

249 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 301, infra ; fiscal's report,
Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., p. 419; reply of the fiscal, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, ibid., pp. 459,
461.

Introduction 59

horse-thefts that the governor expressed the fear that outlying ranches
and towns of the kingdom would be totally destroyed.

To forestall such a contingency Governor Castillo commissioned
Sargento Mayor Juan Bautista Escorza, captain of the thirty-five soldiers
stationed at the presidio of El Pasaje, to make a two-month campaign
against the hostiles. Escorza was instructed to take in all fifty soldiers,
recruited in part from his own presidial force and in part from those at
the presidios of El Gallo and Cerro Gordo, and with these to reconnoitre
twelve designated localities and four mountain passes by which the hos-
tiles were accustomed to enter the kingdom. In case the hostiles were not
encountered at any of these places, Escorza was to proceed to the Sierra
del Diablo and reconnoitre various water-holes and camping sites fre-
quented by the Indians ; in case the Indians were encountered he was to
endeavor to completely put them to the sword ; in case they were put to
flight he was to pursue them until he either overtook them or forced them
into a place where he could besiege them, at which time reinforcements
were to be summoned if they were needed. Should Escorza find a trail
of the Indians that led toward either of the presidios of El Gallo or Cerro
Gordo, or toward El Parral, he was to notify the respective captain, so
that, co-operating, they might " catch the enemy between them and com-
pletely put them to the sword ". Under no circumstances was he to con-
sider peace proposals unless the hostiles and all their families agreed to
submit to the unconditional terms of the governor.250

Escorza was delayed in starting upon his expedition because of being
obliged to await the arrival of some flour from El Parral, and in making
other necessary arrangements. Governor Castillo expressed his belief
on May 2, however, that Escorza with fifty soldiers and twenty-four
friendly Indians was by that time in the field.251

A royal cedula of July 21, 1691, had instructed the governors of Nueva
Vizcaya not only to obey the orders of the viceroy of New Spain but to
report to him " concerning everything which they might accomplish ".252
In conformity with this cedula Governor Castillo gave an account to the
viceroy on May 2, 1693, °f ms activities, and at the same time made
various recommendations concerning the distribution of the soldiers in
Nueva Vizcaya. Under the arrangement existing at that time, as has been
stated, thirty field soldiers were assigned to the Real del Parral, although
fifteen of them were usually kept there and the other fifteen were kept at
Durango. At first Governor Castillo had been of the opinion that it would
be unnecessary to keep the fifteen soldiers at Durango, but later he came
to the conclusion that it was essential to keep at least ten of them there.

250 Governor Castillo's instructions to Sargento Mayor Juan Bautista Escorza,
Durango, Apr. 2, 1693, pp. 297-301, infra; fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1608, ibid.,
p. 427.

201 Castillo to the viceroy, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 303, infra.

25z Fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 419, 421, infra.

60 Introduction

He thought that a minimum of thirty field soldiers should be kept at
El Parral instead of fifteen, as was then the case, but that it would be
much better if forty field soldiers were permanently stationed there.
Accordingly, he recommended that five of the fifteen soldiers at Durango
and twenty additional soldiers should be sent to reinforce the fifteen sol-
diers at the Real del Parral, thereby increasing to forty the soldiers at
that place.253

Indeed, the need of soldiers at El Parral was felt to be so urgent that
early in May Governor Castillo countermanded previous instructions for
the fifteen soldiers there to come to Durango and serve as his convoy to
El Parral.254 In lieu of this plan he took under advisement the withdrawal
of three soldiers from each of five presidios to serve as his body-guard ; 255
later he expressed doubt as to the advisability of diverting a single soldier
from any presidio.256

About the time of Governor Castillo's arrival in Durango decision was
pending as to whether the viceroy should transfer fifty soldiers from New
Mexico — where Governor Diego de Vargas the year before had received
the nominal submission of all of the rebellious Pueblo Indians of New
Mexico 257 — to Nueva Vizcaya for the purpose of enforcing the garrison
of General Juan de Retana.258 Governor Castillo told the viceroy in his
letter of May 2, 1693, that in case these soldiers were transferred to
Nueva Vizcaya, which action he regarded as a necessity,259 it was his
intention to put two additional squads in the field, comprising in all one
hundred and fifty Spanish soldiers and one hundred friendly Indians,
and to keep them there until the kingdom was made safe. Governor Cas-
tillo justified these plans by expressing the belief that the only remedy
for a province, " with Indians scattered over 200 leagues of it commit-
ting atrocities ", was for three such squads to pursue them " simulta-
neously for more than 300 leagues in their own country, in order to destroy
or reduce them ".260 General Retana, captain of fifty men at his presidio
of San Francisco de Conchos, was to be in command of one squad of
sixty men, and was to leave ten men at his presidio during his absence.
Martin de Ugalde, captain of twenty-four soldiers stationed at the pre-
sidio of Cerro Gordo, was to command another squad of forty men, and
was to leave eight others at his presidio.261 These with the fifty soldiers
then in the field with Escorza would make a total of 150 men in the three

253 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, pp. 303, 307, 313, infra;
fiscal' s report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., p. 421.

254 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 305, infra.

255 Ibid., p. 303.

256 Ibid., p. 307.

257 H. H. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1 530-1888 (San Francisco,
1889), pp. 197-202.

258 Castillo to the viceroy, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, pp. 303, 311, infra.
™ Ibid., p. 303.

260 Ibid., pp. 303, 305, 309.
2elIbid., pp. 299, 311.

Introduction 61

squads. It was not purposed to take any troops from Janos, and Captain
Luis de Quintana was to remain with all of his troops at his presidio of
El Gallo.262

Governor Castillo advised the viceroy that the so-called war and peace
fund of 6000 pesos that was annually appropriated to the government of
Nueva Vizcaya for the expense of maintaining one hundred Indian allies
in the field would not be sufficient for that purpose and at the same time
allow for emergency expenses that might arise in case the hostiles should
submit and congregate in pueblos under the governor's orders. Accord-
ingly Governor Castillo urged the viceroy to authorize the royal treasury
officials at Durango to supply him, in case of an emergency such as sug-
gested above, with necessary funds.263

Just at the time that Governor Castillo's hopes were high, as a result
of prospective reinforcements from New Mexico, that a vigorous offen-
sive might be undertaken against the hostiles, disquieting news came
from Sonora that the viceroy had decided to withdraw fifty soldiers from
the five presidios in Nueva Vizcaya and constitute of them a flying squad
for Sonora,264 under the command of Don Domingo Jironza Petriz de
Cruzate, former governor of New Mexico.265 This information brought
forth a vigorous protest to the viceroy from Governor Castillo. He
argued, while admitting the desirability of such a company for Sonora,
that he was unable to spare a single soldier and that it would be far more
sensible to strengthen rather than thus to weaken his provincial forces.
He therefore implored the viceroy " to raise the fifty men for Sonora in
some other place than Vizcaya ".266 Governor Castillo supported his
several requests and recommendations by detailing various murders and
outrages recently committed by the Indians.267

Late in April a shipment of silver valued at 4000 marks reached
Durango from El Parral. This was despatched from Durango south on
May 2, by Governor Castillo.268

As the instructions issued by Governor Castillo on April 2 had called
for him to do, Captain Escorza remained in the field with his squad for
two months and even longer. The route which he followed carried him
south and southeast to San Juan de Acosta, on the frontier of Nueva
Galicia. From there he turned north on June 16, going by way of the
Nieves, Parras, and Laguna regions to Mapimi, where he arrived on
July 1. Eleven days later he reached the presidio of Cerro Gordo.

202 Ibid.

263 Ibid., pp. 303, 305 ; fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 421, infra.

264 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 309, infra.

265 For Cruzate, see Hughes, op. cit., p. 324.

266 Castillo to the viceroy, Durango, Apr. 4-May 2, 1693, p. 309, infra; fiscal's report,
Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 421, 423.

267 Ibid., pp. 305, 307, 309.

268 Ibid., p. 313.

:*

62

Introduction

From the standpoint of military achievements Escorza's expedition
could hardly be characterized as successful. At no place did he engage
any hostile Indians in battle, and on the Nueva Galicia frontier nothing
at all was heard of the hostiles. On the night of June 20 Escorza chased
the enemy all night " without being able to catch or kill a single one ".
Between Laguna and Mapimi the Indians fled from their rancherias at
the approach of the Spaniards; along this stretch Escorza reported the
loss of eight horses and the exhaustion of one-half of the remainder.
Between Mapimi and Cerro Gordo, Escorza reconnoitred various places
frequented by the Indians but without having engaged any in battle,
although one party of approximately forty well-equipped and armed
Indians was sighted in the sierra.

When Escorza reached Cerro Gordo he reported to Governor Castillo
that in the region visited affairs were " in a worse state " than they had
ever been. He stated that many new people were among the enemy,
including nations from the region of the Rio del Norte and northern
Coahuila, not less than sixty leagues distant, and that they were having
a very demoralizing effect upon the friendly Indians. Accordingly
Escorza recommended that action be taken both in Nueva Vizcaya and
by the captain of Coahuila to prevent these Indians from entering the
former province. Furthermore, Escorza found that the enemy nations,
under the name of Tobosos, had been " driven by necessity ... to in-
crease their ravages ". This, and the fact that the local Indians were so
weak that they were helpless to prevent strange Indians from coming in
" but rather solicit them and invite them ", constituted, in Escorza's
opinion, the causes for the bad situation on the eastern frontier of Nueva
Vizcaya.269

Governor Castillo heartily congratulated Captain Escorza on July 15
for having " entirely fulfilled " his obligation, and thanked him for all
that he had done. At the same time he ordered Escorza to send the sol-
diers comprising his squad back to the presidios from which they were
enlisted, and to instruct the lieutenant at El Gallo to arm and provision
the twenty soldiers from that presidio who had been with Escorza and
" enough others to make up the number of forty-two ". These were in-
structed to take the field at the latest by the end of this month. Escorza
was also told to send scouts to various places in the mountains with
orders to maintain great vigilance until the squads took the field.270

Meanwhile in Mexico City the viceroy had called a junta general de
guerra on June 5, 1693, to consider the recommendations of Governor
Castillo. By this junta it was decided that twenty soldiers, to be paid
" in cash and goods ", should be added to the thirty field soldiers assigned
to the Real del Parral, and that the fifteen soldiers at Durango, out of

269 Escorza to Castillo, Cerro Gordo, July 13, 1693, pp. 3^9S25, infra.

270 Castillo to Escorza, El Parral, June 15, 1693, pp. 327, 3^9, infra.

Introduction 63

deference to the opinion of the governor, the bishop, the ecclesiastical
cabildo, and the municipal cabildo, should remain there. Later, on
December 19, 1693, a junta de hacienda authorized the fifteen soldiers
assigned to Durango to go out twenty leagues from the city to explore,
provided they were accompanied by the lieutenants of the governor. It
was also resolved at the June junta that the royal treasury officials of
Durango should be authorized, " in urgent cases which did not admit of
communication with the viceroy ", to supply Governor Castillo " with
what he might ask for, in case the six thousand pesos peace and war fund
should not be sufficient, its distribution and account to fall to the care
of the factor of the Real del Parral ", who should be obliged to account
for all expenditures to the Court of Accounts. The junta also agreed
not to take soldiers from the presidios of Nueva Vizcaya for the pro-
posed flying company of Don Domingo Jironza. At the same time the
instructions which Governor Castillo had given to Captain Don Juan
Bautista de Escorza when he made his reconnaissance to the borders of
Nueva Galicia were approved by the junta.271

In the course of the summer and autumn of 1693 punitive and recon-
noitring expeditions, similar to the one that Captain Juan Bautista de
Escorza had led, were sent out by Governor Castillo. The bases from
which these later expeditions were sent out were San Francisco de Con-
chos and Janos, on the northeastern and northwestern frontiers of the
kingdom, respectively. On the expeditions that were sent out from San
Francisco de Conchos against the Chizos and other allied Indian tribes.
General Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio at that place, played the
leading role. On his first expedition, while he was at the post of Los
Posalmes, on July 19, he was visited by a Sunigugligla captain, who was
escorted by Don Nicolas, governor of the Cibolo Indians. To the Suni-
gugligla captain Retana pointed out the advantages of submitting to
the Spaniards. By way of reply the native chief stated that he had re-
cently deserted the hostiles and expressed a desire to settle with his people
at that place and also a willingness to conduct Retana to three rancherias
of the hostile Chichitames, Guazapayogliglas, and Sisimbles Indians,
which were distant three days' journey from that place. These proposi-
tions Retana accepted. Thereupon Don Nicolas, accompanied by the Suni-
gugligla captain, whom Retana had greatly pleased by giving him gifts
of biscuit, jerked beef, and tobacco, went away to bring " the rest of the
friendly people of the lower river " for the proposed expedition against
the hostiles, who were said to have scattered in different directions."72

On July 28 plans were agreed upon by General Retana and the captains
of the Indian allies for an attack upon the Chizos Indians. These plans
called for an assault early the following morning upon the pefiol of Santa

271 Fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 425, 427, 429, infra.

272 Auto of Retana, Los Posalmes, July 19, 1693, p. 329, infra.

64 Introduction

Marta, upon which the Chizos were stationed, and in this assault the
Spaniards under Retana were to be aided by more than 200 Indian allies ;
among these were three Cibolo spies.273 When the attack was made at
daybreak on the morning of July 29, the Chizos, through failure of some
of the Indian allies to adhere to the plans that had been agreed upon, were
able to retreat to the most inaccessible part of the penol. Retana was not
to be outdone, and between daybreak and four o'clock in the afternoon
he made three or four ineffective assaults upon the penol, in the course
of which one Indian was killed and four Spaniards and ten Indian allies
were wounded. At this juncture the Chizos sent word to Retana that they
were willing to come down from the penol " even though they should be
hanged ". Retana accepted the offer, whereupon they requested that
Father Fray Gabriel Montes de Oca should be sent to the slope of the
penol in order that he might accompany them. Retana also agreed to
this, and gave instructions for the Chizos to be conducted to the camp of
the Spaniards. Instead of following these instructions, however, the
Chizos were located at twilight at a spring at the foot of the sierra.
Shortly afterward it was reported to Retana that the Chizos had not
come down from the sierra in good faith ; 274 the following morning a
bloody trail indicated the route by which the hostiles had fled during the
night. In a reconnoissance of the slopes of the penol the bodies of twenty-
two dead Chizos men and eight women were found.275

The same day among the pillage that the Chizos had assembled at their
rancheria were found various articles and papers, apparently from a
mission in Coahuila; a commission issued by the viceroy, the Count of
Galve, to Don Diego de Valdes,276 Indian governor of the Nadadores
nation in Coahuila;277 and the saddle and other articles of a Spaniard,
Andres de Jauregui, whom the hostiles had killed on San Pablo Hill.278

According to the testimony of a young Indian captive heard by Retana
on July 30, the Chizos and their allies, guided by "two old Indian women
who had escaped after having been captured by the Spaniards of Coa-
huila ", had attacked eight days earlier a mission in Coahuila, distant four
days' journey from that place. The missionary doubtless escaped martyr-
dom by being absent from the mission. Ten people, however, including
an Indian governor, were reported to have been killed. A young Spanish
girl who was captured was killed and eaten by the old women. Other
Spaniards in the district of Coahuila, or Parras, were also reported to
have been killed. According to the same deponent the Sunigugligla In-
dians " some days before " had attacked the Chizos and had killed five

273 Auto of Retana, July 28, 1693, ibid., p. 331.

274 Auto of Retana, penol of Santa Marta, July 29, 1693, ibid., pp. 33^-333-

275 Auto of Retana, penol of Santa Marta, July 30, 1693, ibid., p. 333.
27B Ibid.

277 Decree of the viceroy, the Count of Galve, with enclosures, Mexico, May 31, 1691,
PP. 335-339, infra.

278 Auto of Retana, penol of Santa Marta, July 30, 1693, p. 333, infra.

Introduction 65

of them and taken off all of their horses. Two days before the Spaniards
attacked the Chizos " another rancheria of many people left them ".279

Several weeks later, September 5, at his presidio of San Francisco de
Conchos, General Retana received the submission of several Indian
chiefs, including Don Santiago, the Chizo captain who had violated his
pledge at the penol of Santa Marta. General Retana interrogated these
Indians and from them he learned that the Hijos de la Tierra (Sons of
the Earth), Las Piedras (the Stones), and the Acoclames had planted
their crops at a water-hole in the mountains, and that their usual habitat
was in the vicinity of the Sierra de Xacue and Las Encinillas. The de-
ponents told Retana that these Indians had tried to dissuade them from
joining the Spaniards, and, failing in this, they had intimidated them.
They stated that the Cocoiomes and their allies under Don Francisco
Tecolote, Lorencillo, Contreras, and other leaders were in the Sierra de
Xacue and in the region between Acatita, La Grande, and Guapague.
The deponents made suggestions concerning a proposed attack on these
Indians, and offered to join Retana upon it. On cross-examination they
stated that the Osatayogliglas, the Guazapayogliglas, the Chichitames,
and the Sisimbles had only forty-two, thirty-eight, thirty, and fifty-four
bow and arrow men, respectively.280

In November, 1693, as a result of Retana's campaigns, four of the
Chizos nations namely, the Chichitames, the Satapayogliglas, the Guaza-
payogliglas, and the Osatayogliglas, had been settled at the presidio of
San Francisco de Conchos. Led by the Cocoiomes, however, other hos-
tiles between that presidio and the Rio del Norte continued to harass the
entire kingdom.281 Finally, exasperated by the deplorable situation result-
ing from their atrocities, convinced that there was " no other remedy than
to pursue them and seek them in their own country ", and aware that the
" gentle methods " used theretofore against the hostiles " had only served
to encourage them ", Governor Castillo in November, 1693, decided that
the only alternative left was " to make war upon them with blood and
fire ", not only because he felt that they deserved it but because the king-
dom was being " annihilated with the thefts of horses and the murders
therein of many people ".

Acting upon authority granted by the viceroy, in a junta general of
June 5, Governor Castillo on November 10 instructed General Juan de
Retana to take the field at once with eighty soldiers and sufficient sup-
plies for four months. At the same time provision was to be made for
two other squads to be in the field at the same time, one to be under the
command of Captain Juan de Escorza and the other under Martin de

™Ibid., pp. 333, 335-

280 Auto of Retana, San Francisco de Conchos, Sept. 5, 1693, p. 343, infra ; declaration
of Retana, San Francisco de Conchos, Sept. 5, 1693, ibid., pp. 343,. 345.

281 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 20, 1693, p. 349, infra ; Marin to the Count
of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, ibid., p. 399.

/

66 Introduction

Ugalde. Of the soldiers for this expedition Retana was to take forty from
the fifty at his own presidio of San Francisco de Conchos, twenty were
to be taken from .the presidio of El Gallo, and another twenty were to
be taken from the field company of Captain Antonio de Medina. Also,
Retana was to take fifty paid Indians, including some from the four
recently surrendered Chizos nations, and two hundred and fifty other
Indians from the nations that had recently submitted. These were to be
given only their food and " some assistance in expenses upon their
return ".

Retana was instructed to seek the enemy, beginning at the Sierra de
Conula and Papagua and continuing from there to the " interior of the
Rio del Norte region ", examining at his discretion El Diablo Sierra.
In case he should encounter old enemies of the Spaniards he was to
endeavor " to put them completely to the sword or else pursue them until
they were forced by hunger and thirst to surrender ". In this contingency
Retana was to receive the unconditional surrender of the men, women,
and children, in the name of Governor Castillo, who was to be notified
at once so that he might dictate terms to them. In case General Retana
should pick up a trail of the enemy that led to either of the three distant
pueblos, he was to advise them so that they might be on their guard and
might be advised of the fact that two other squads were then in the field
besides Retana's.

Because the chiefs, Don Francisco El Tecolote, Contrerillas, Loren-
cillo, Luguillas, Cola de Coiote, and Maimara, had been the unyielding
ring-leaders in the atrocities committed against the Spaniards, Governor
Castillo felt that it would be fitting to exterminate them altogether.
Accordingly Retana was instructed to offer the Indian allies in the name
of the king a reward of one hundred pesos for either of these chiefs.282

Just as General Retana was ready to take the field from the presidio
of San Francisco de Conchos, Governor Castillo at El Parral heard
rumors of the disloyalty of the four Chizos nations settled at the above
presidio. It was reported to him that these nations had entered into a
conspiracy with the Cocoiomes and other hostile nations whereby General
Retana was to be allowed to take the field, after which the Chizos at
Conchos were to kill all the women and the ten soldiers left there on the
first feast day when they should be celebrating mass, and were then to
join the hostiles in an endeavor to destroy Retana's squad. Since Retana
was taking seventy Chizos Indians with him, Governor Castillo expressed
the opinion that the Indians could succeed in their plans.

Upon receipt of this disquieting information Governor Castillo sent
instructions to Governor Don Nicolas of the Cibolos at La Junta to meet
Retana, with reinforcements, twenty leagues beyond Conchos. At the
same time instructions were issued to Captain Martin de Ugalde to pro-

282 Order of Castillo to Retana, El Parral, Nov. 10, 1693, pp. 345-349, infra.

Introduction 67

ceed in haste and secrecy to the vicinity of Conchos and enter into com-
munication with Retana. By a prearranged plan between the two captains
two days after Retana took the field from San Francisco de Conchos,
Ugalde with his squad was to appear unexpectedly at that pueblo. There
he was to investigate the reports of the projected uprising of the Chizos,
while Retana was to conduct a similar investigation wherever he might
be encamped. In case the reports were confirmed as a result of these
investigations, Retana was to execute " without further scruple " the
seventy Chizos with him; Ugalde, after executing the Chizos men left
at San Francisco de Conchos, was to send the women and children to
Governor Castillo at El Parral.283

Again Retana's forces proved to be invincible before the heathen In-
dians. The royal fiscal in Madrid summed up Retana's achievements in
1698 as follows: " In the space of one year the presidial squads, includ-
ing friendly Indians, commanded by Retana, made eight surprise attacks
on the enemy Indians, killed more than three hundred of them, and re-
duced to the dominion of his Majesty at La Junta de los Rios, in the
north, two nations which contain more than four hundred families, and,
at the pueblo of San Francisco, near the presidio of Conchos, four other
nations, containing more than one hundred and thirty families." 284

Meanwhile Governor Castillo had made the reports of the projected
uprising of the Chizos Indians at San Francisco de Conchos the basis,
as already shown, for requesting the viceroy to " amplify " his instruc-
tions so as " to permit the prompt punishment of the hostiles, even per-
mitting them, without either process or semblance of law, to be put to
the sword for breaking the peace or for the crimes " which they might
commit. In making this request Governor Castillo said : " Before God
I assure your Excellency that it is contrary to reason not to put the In-
dians to the sword. ... By merely making some attacks upon them they
can escape by retiring far into the impenetrable mountains . . . where
. . . they can hold their convocations and can decide to fall upon us
when we are least expecting it." 28h The reasons for the fiscal's disap-
proval of these suggestions have already been noted.286 At the same
time the fiscal also unqualifiedly disapproved Governor Castillo's sug-
gestion that the women and children of the executed warriors should be
deported to Mexico City. Aside from the expense necessary for their
transportation, the fiscal stated that the demoralization of the unfortu-

283 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 20, 1693, pp. 349, 351, infra; opinion of the
fiscal, Mexico, Dec. 16, 1693, ibid., pp. 355-36i.

284 Fiscal's report, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 427, infra. The number of families in the
four nations congregated at San Francisco de Conchos was one hundred and forty-eight
See fiscal's opinion, Mexico, Dec 16, 1693, p. 357, infra.

285 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 20, 1693, p. 351, infra; fiscal's opinion,
Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 427, 429.

288 See p. 129.
6

68 Introduction

nates would be such because of lack of work and a place to live that they
would be a constant expense to the real hacienda.2*7

At the time that Governor Castillo requested the viceroy to modify
instructions so as to permit the summary execution of certain notorious
Indians, there were one hundred and forty-eight families of Chizos In-
dians settled at the presidio of Conchos for whom the governor held some
slight hope that they would " continue in the reduction and peace agreed
to ". Since their arrival at this presidio Governor Castillo had been
assisting these Indians with supplies of meat and corn and in November,
1693, he requested the viceroy to continue this assistance for the year
that they would have to wait until their crops might be planted and har-
vested, the expense of which would amount to 6000 pesos. On Decem-
ber 16 the fiscal in Mexico City pointed out to the viceroy the slight bene-
fits that had resulted from similar grants made in the past, but neverthe-
less advised the viceroy to grant the request — the royal treasury officials
to be instructed to deliver to the factor, Don Joseph de Ursua, the neces-
sary funds, and the governor to be cautioned " to effect rigid economy in
the said expenditures ".288 A junta de hacienda in Mexico City on
December 19, 1693, adopted the recommendations of the fiscal, and au-
thorized the treasury official at El Parral to deliver to Governor Castillo
as much as ten thousand pesos for emergency measures.289

Meanwhile, plans had been formulated for an expedition to be sent
into far distant Sonora. In August, 1693, Governor Castillo despatched
Captain Juan Fernandez de la Fuente from El Parral with instructions
for him to take a squad of soldiers and make a reconnoissance through
that province. At the same time Don Manuel de Agramont, captain of
the presidio of Sinaloa, was instructed to aid De la Fuente with as many
soldiers as possible, in case the latter might feel the need of them.290 The
following month, September, 1693, found Governor Castillo at the pre-
sidio of San Francisco de Conchos, where he was expediting, although
convalescing from a serious illness, the organization of Retana's expe-
dition that was about ready to be sent from that presidio against the
rebellious Indians on that frontier.291

Captain De la Fuente started from El Parral for his presidio at Janos,
but when he reached Cusiguriachi he was told that the Pimas of Sonora
were in rebellion. He at once wrote a letter to Governor Castillo in
which he advised him of this report and assured him " that if a remedy
were not applied the whole province [of Sonora] was on the verge of
being lost ". At the same time De la Fuente despatched a courier to re-

287Fiscal's opinion, Mexico, Dec. 16, 1693, p. 359, infra.
***Ibid., pp. 357, 359-

289 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1608, p. 427, infra.

290 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 23, 1693, p. 353, infra.

291 Auto of Marin, El Parral, Sept. 14, 1693, pp. 365, 367, infra; auto of General
Domingo de la Puente, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, ibid., p. 369.

Introduction 69

quest Don Manuel de Agramont to send him twenty-five soldiers at
once.292

Captain De la Fuente's letter was received at El Parral on September 13
by General Domingo de la Puente, lieutenant captain-general at El Parral
during the absence and illness of Governor Castillo at San Francisco
de Conchos. The latter at once sent orders to Captain De la Fuente at
Janos to observe the instructions which Governor Castillo had previously
given to him " for the aid and defense of Sonora ", to leave such a guard
as he deemed proper at Janos, and " to succor the said province with all
promptness ". At the same time he called upon " all the present citizens
and inhabitants " of Sonora to take orders from Captain de la Fuente;
and, as lieutenant captain-general, he sent " orders on his own behalf to
the captains of presidios to obey him " and to do as he commanded.293

The authority thus assumed and the orders thus issued by General
de la Puente were to be of no avail. It happened that at that time there
was an official in El Parral clothed with authority by the viceroy to coun-
termand De la Puente's orders. This was the alcalde mayor, Don Joseph
Francisco Marin, who had earlier been sent to Nueva Vizcaya as judge
of the residencia of ex-Governor Don Juan de Pardinas Villar de Fran-
cos. In August the viceroy, who desired to restore " the arms of his
Majesty . .' . to their former standing against the enemies and rebels ",
had written to Marin that since he was about to assume his duties as
residencia judge he would receive " no slight information concerning the
state of those provinces, the condition of their inhabitants, and the char-
acter of the forces of their frontiers and presidios ". Therefore the
viceroy had commissioned Marin to inform him of the condition of those
provinces and of the means which, " in view of the damage that has been
and is now being experienced ", might be put into practice " for the pur-
pose of chastising the enemy Indians, establishing the security, peace and
tranquillity of the inhabitants, and avoiding disagreements among them
which may prejudice their good government ".294

Clothed with such authority, Marin, the day after General De la Puente
had on his own behalf sent commands to Captain De la Fuente at Janos
and to other captains, issued an order requiring De la Puente " to abstain
from sending, despatching, or issuing orders to the captains of presidios "
under penalty of a fine of 500 pesos. At the same time Captain De la
Fuente at Janos was advised that after he had repelled the numerous

292 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 23, 1693, p. 353, infra; auto of Domingo
de la Puente, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, ibid., p. 369.

293 Notification given by General Domingo de la Puente, El Parral, Sept 13, 1693,
P. 365, infra ; auto of Marin, El Parral, Sept. 14, 1693, ibid., pp. 365, 3°7 ', m*o of General
Domingo de la Puente, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, ibid., pp. 369, 37^

294 The Count of Galve to Marin, Mexico, Aug. 3, 1693, pp. 385, 387, infra. See also
auto of Marin, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, ibid., pp. 365, 367 ; Valdes to Marin, El Parral,
Sept. 26, 1693, ibid., p. 379; Marin to the viceroy, El Parral, Sept. 20, 1693, ibid., p. 387;
decree of the viceroy, Mexico, Sept. 7, 1693, ibid., p. 411.

70 Introduction

invasions reported to have occurred on his frontier 295 he might then
u secure the safety of the province of Sonora ". Also, general orders were
issued to the other captains not to obey the commands of any lieutenants-
general " who may not have served or who do not have practice and ex-
perience in affairs of war ".2S<J

Marin justified his action on the ground that the governor of the
kingdom had once complained to the viceroy that De la Puente was not
a military man and had had but slight knowledge and experience in mili-
tary matters, which fact caused resentment among the presidial captains
who were obliged to receive orders from him. The slight experience of
General De la Puente, said Marin, was quite evident from the mere fact
that the latter had instructed Captain De la Fuente, who had only thirty-
five men under his command, to leave a guard of fifteen men at Janos
and with the other soldiers, only two of whom had horses, to penetrate
almost one hundred leagues into the enemy's country for the defense of
Sonora at a time when " very active war " was in progress in the vicinity
of his own presidio. To do this would, Marin felt, only embolden the
enemy with consequent loss to the crown and the Church. For these rea-
sons, and because he deemed it to be his duty during the illness of Gover-
nor Castillo " to promote the greater service of his Majesty ", Marin
countermanded De la Puente's instructions. At the same time he enjoined
and requested Governor Castillo not to permit De la Puente or any of his
other lieutenants to give orders to the presidial captains.297

In this way and in other ways did Don Joseph Francisco Marin exer-
cise in a thorough-going fashion his authority as visitor of the presidios
of Nueva Vizcaya. By the last of September he had actually visited most
of the presidios and knew " their distances, the manner in which the
enemy Indians practise their hostilities, and everything else . . . such
as their natural barbarity, ferocity, and the slight insecurity of the peace
terms " which they were accustomed to make.298

The above orders were issued by Marin at the Real del Parral on
September 14. Four days later, but apparently before Marin's instruc-
tions were received, Captain De la Fuente at Janos expressed his inten-
tion of taking some citizens from his jurisdiction and proceeding as far
as the Sierra de Chiguicagui.299 In case he was joined there by twenty-
five soldiers whom, by authorization of Governor Castillo, he had re-
quested Manuel de Agramont, captain of the presidio of Sinaloa, to send
him, it was his intention to go at once on a campaign against the Pimas
and their allies. Captain De la Fuente felt that this offensive action

295 por an account of the atrocities committed in the vicinity of Janos, see De la
Fuente to Almazan, Janos, Sept. 18, 1693, p. 373, infra.

296 Auto of Marin, El Parral, Sept. 13, 1693, pp. 367, 369, infra,
wibid.

298 Valdes to Marin, Sept. 26, 1693, p. 381, infra.

299 For the location of this sierra and the character of its Indians, see note 171, p. 468.

Introduction 71

would be wise because it was uncertain when General Don Domingo
Jironza would arrive with his soldiers from New Mexico; even after he
arrived De la Fuente predicted that there would be further delay because
he would " come lacking everything and his soldiers will not be able to
serve to good advantage until the coming year ".300

On account of his illness, Governor Castillo at San Francisco de Con-
chos was not shown Captain De la Fuente's letter, advising of the reported
Pima rebellion, until September 17. That same day, apparently unaware
of the action that had been taken at El Parral by the visitor Marin,
Governor Castillo instructed De la Fuente to advise the inhabitants " to
maintain themselves with the fifteen soldiers that were there " until De la
Fuente might arrive in that province. After having sent this cheering
message, De la Fuente was instructed to leave a guard at Janos and, with
the other soldiers under his command, together with a citizens' contin-
gent, to take the field against the Pimas — instructions being left at Janos
for the soldiers from Sinaloa, upon their arrival at Janos, to join him
in Sonora.

Some days after these orders had been issued Governor Castillo was ad-
vised by Captain De la Fuente that the report of an uprising of the Pimas
was untrue. About the same time he received equally gratifying infor-
mation from Don Manuel de Agramont that, despite " the great need
experienced by all the people " at his presidio, he would send the soldiers
which De la Fuente requested. This information and the fact that the
residents of Sonora would co-operate with Captain De la Fuente caused
Governor Castillo to express confidence to the viceroy late in November
that De la Fuente would " obtain good results with his squad ".301

Proposals for the Defense and Development of Nueva Vizcaya.

1 693- 1 698.

1. Marin's inspection of Nueva Vizcaya. About the beginning of
1693 tne suggestion was made to the viceroy, the Count of Galve, that
expenses in Nueva Vizcaya might be reduced if the soldiers stationed at
the presidios that were erected in the year 1686 were formed into a flying
company, which might repair to whatever section was in need of assis-
tance and which might, at the same time, serve as a convoy to the travel-
lers and traders in the kingdom. By so doing it was thought that some
of the soldiers as well as some of the presidial captains might be dis-
pensed with.

On February 20, 1693, soon after this recommendation was made to
the viceroy, Don Jose Francisco Marin left Mexico City for El Parral
for the purpose of conducting the residencia of ex-Governor Don Juan

300 Captain De la Fuente to Don Pedro de Almazan, Janos, Sept. 18, 1693, pp. 371-375,
infra.

301 Castillo to the viceroy, El Parral, Nov. 23, 1693, pp. 353, 355, infra.

12 Introduction

Isidro de Pardifias Villar de Francos. Because he held him to be " a per-
son of intelligence ", the viceroy instructed Marin to endeavor " to ascer-
tain whether it would be best to unite the forces of the presidios and to
form a flying company which would keep constantly moving, and also
to ascertain the state of the provinces, the character of the forces of
their frontiers and presidios, and the means that might be put into effect
... to chastise the hostiles, to establish the security of peace and quiet
for the inhabitants, and to avoid the discords that might prejudice their
good government ".

In view of his instructions Marin proceeded in a most thorough man-
ner to get information bearing upon the subject. First, Marin asked for
the written opinions of twelve of " the most practical and experienced
persons " at El Parral.302 In the reports which they made, three of which
are published hereinafter,303 all of the men consulted agreed that none
of the presidios should be abolished, since they were situated " adjacent
to the hostiles " ; that there should " be no diminution or withdrawal of
any of the men at the presidios " for the purpose of creating a flying
squad ; and that it would be well for squads from the presidios " to go
out in different directions, accompanied by the friendly Indians, to hunt
for the hostile Indians in their homes and on their rancherias and to
punish them all at once and to destroy them ". They further stated that
until such an offensive war was made upon the Indians there would be
no lasting peace, and it would be unwise to diminish the number of the
soldiers, for, by doing so, " the kingdom would be in imminent peril of
destruction ".304

Don Agustin Herbante del Camino felt that to reduce the number of
presidial soldiers would be false economy. He also thought that the sol-
diers should not be permitted to take the field without being accompanied
by a number of friendly Indians, and that not less than forty Indians
should regularly be employed, at the rate of four pesos per month, the
total cost of which would be approximately the equivalent of the salary
for the same period for eight soldiers. By this arrangement the presidial
captains would be relieved of having to go to the Indian pueblos and
forcibly enlisting auxiliaries when they were needed.305

Diego Garcia de Valdes believed that no improvement in the Indian
situation and no reduction of expenses could be expected unless offensive
war were waged against the hostiles. He was of the opinion that the sol-
diers of four presidios should be employed in waging war upon the hos-
tiles of Nueva Vizcaya and Nueva Galicia, and that twenty-five soldiers
should be used for convoy purposes. In case this plan were adopted he

802 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, p. 387, infra; fiscal's
opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 427, 429.
303 pp. 375-385, infra.

804 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 429, infra.
305 Herbante del Camino to Marin, Sept. 12, 1693, pp. 375, 377, infra.

/

Introduction 73

anticipated the possible " reduction to pueblos and to Christian instruction
of the enemy Indians, exhausted by punishment ".800

Raphael de Ibarguen's twenty-six years' experience in Nueva Vizcaya
convinced him that " almost the entire multitude of rebellious Indians "
had been guilty of treason, and that a flying squad would not suffice to
keep them quiet except in the district where for the time being it might
happen to be. He regarded the presidios as necessary, provided the cap-
tains with their squads made offensive campaigns against the Indians;
he thought that they should merely be posts to which the soldiers might
retreat and at which the horses might recuperate. Ibarguen supported
his opinions by citing various Indian atrocities of recent years.80r

After he had requested prominent and experienced men in Nueva
Vizcaya to render opinions concerning the advisability of suppressing the
presidios and creating a flying squad of soldiers, Don Joseph Francisco
Marin continued his investigation on this subject in a thorough-going
manner. He was reported on September 26 to have actually seen most
of the presidios and to " know their distances, the manner in which the
enemy Indians practise their hostilities and . . . their natural barbarity,
ferocity, and the slight security of the peace terms which they are accus-
tomed to make ".308

After he had completed his investigations of conditions in Nueva
Vizcaya, Marin made his report to the viceroy on September 30, 1693.
This report, hereinafter published,309 is the clearest and most compre-
hensive account of the geography, natural resources, native races, and
Spanish civilian and military forces of Nueva Vizcaya in the latter seven-
teenth century of which the writer has knowledge. Particularly signifi-
cant for the ethnologist are the recorded names of the Indian tribes that
occupied the region from Durango to La Junta and New Mexico, and
those who lived between the Rio Conchos and the Gulf of California.310

2. Marin's first recommendations with reference to Nueva Vizcaya.
Part of Marin's report was devoted to recommendations with reference
to the military defense and the civil and judicial administration of Nueva
Vizcaya, in connection with which he urged the desirability of encour-
aging immigration to that kingdom.

In Marin's opinion the quickest and, in fact, the necessary way to
obtain relief from the Indian depredations was to retain the presidios
of El Pasaje, El Gallo, Cerro Gordo, Conchos, and Janos, and, with the
fifty soldiers under Don Domingo Jironza that had been granted for the
defense of Sonora, to erect a sixth one in the latter province. Since the
hostiles were accustomed to enter the province by way of the valley of

308 Garcia de Valdes to Marin, Sept. 26, 1693, pp. 377-381, infra.
307 Ibarguen to Marin, El Parral, Sept. 20, 1693, pp. 381-385, infra.
™*Ibid., p. 381.

309 Pp. 387-409, infra.

810 For Marin's report on these Indian tribes, see pp. 393, 395, infra.

74 Introduction

Caaguiona, thirty leagues distant from the Real de San Juan, that of
Bapispe, and that of Teuricache, Marin stated that the consensus of
opinion was that " the most essential and important place " in which to
establish the new presidio was the Real de Nacosari, which was nine
leagues from the valley of Teuricache.311 Because the Indians near the
presidio of Montesclaros were " naturally peaceable ", were then " rooted
in the faith ", and were " devoted to the cultivation of their farms and
the raising of cattle " and because the new reinforcements already pro-
vided for no longer made it necessary to maintain it, Marin recommended
that the presidio of Montesclaros in Sinaloa be definitely suppressed.
Moreover, he saw prospects for the ultimate suppression of the presidio
of Santa Catalina de Tepehuanes, and in time for the reduction of the
number of soldiers at the other presidios.312

The soldiers, distributed as thus recommended, while few in compari-
son with the number of hostile Indians, would, Marin thought, " if well
employed at opportune times ", be more than was necessary for the de-
fense of the kingdom. Indeed, he felt that there were sufficient soldiers
" not only to chastise and reduce the barbarous nations, but also to con-
template new conquests should it be feasible to maintain and settle them ".
In emphasizing his belief that the only way to restrain and reduce the hos-
tiles was by waging continuous war against them, Marin stated that ex-
perience showed that the roads and cattle were safe only when the Indians
were kept " in perpetual uneasiness " and no opportunity was given for
them to make raids and forays upon the Spaniards. This was true be-
cause the principal care of the Indians was " to flee from the fury of the
troops and secure the safety of their rabble of women and children. . . .
But on the instant that the troops return to their quarters or presidios
they at once resume their daily abominations ". The success of General
Retana in reducing the four Chizos nations at San Francisco de Conchos
was cited as proof of the efficacy of this method.

In waging offensive war upon the Indians Marin thought that ten or a
dozen soldiers should be left at each presidio for its defense and as con-
voys for travellers, and that squads of from forty to fifty soldiers, accom-
panied by friendly Indians, who proved to be most successful as spies,
should reconnoitre the sites and locations of the hostiles. When the In-
dians should be forced to surrender, Marin thought that they should not,
as theretofore, be allowed to choose the locations and sites where they
were to live, " which were always apart from the soldiers and presidios
. . . and from which they committed with impunity, under the security
of peace, more hostilities than when they were at war ". Instead, he
recommended that the subjugated Indians should be required to settle in

311 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 397, 399, infra ; fiscal's
opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 431, 433.

312 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 405, 407, infra.

Introduction 75

sight of the presidios, that they should "be compelled to build their
houses correctly, to raise chickens, and to plant their corn-fields ", so that
they might acquire an attachment for their settlements and might lose
their inherent instinct to roam in the mountains. The actions and move-
ments of the Indians, he thought, should be under the constant observance
of their protectors. In case robberies and murders occurred the protector
should ascertain whether any were missing; above all he should maintain
firm control over the women and children, thereby keeping the Indians
submissive and obedient. As proof that the hostile Indians might be won
over from their old habits Marin cited the sedentary life and domesticity
of the Tepehuanes and Tarahumares.

Because the Cocoiomes and Tobosos Indians had " failed time without
number in the obedience which they had promised ", and because they
were " apostates from the Evangelical law . . . and the most pernicious
and malevolent among them all ", Marin was of the opinion that " active
and bloody war, without quarter, should be waged against them ". Until
these nations might be extirpated and destroyed entirely and their rabble
reduced, Marin predicted that trouble would not be lacking in the king-
dom nor considerable expense to the king.313

In connection with his recommendations concerning the military forces
of the kingdom, Marin stated that it was very important that the governor
should be " competent and experienced, in affairs of war as in political
matters ". Such a man, Marin thought, might artfully introduce and
sow discords and distrust among the Indians, thereby affording greater
security for the Spaniards. With respect to the purchase of the office
Marin said that it was " essential that the king close the door to the pur-
chase of such governorships " as that of Nueva Vizcaya, the Philippines,
and Campeche. In his opinion a " highly educated man with discretion
and judgment " would overcome lack of military experience, while one
who bought an office did so solely for mercenary reasons, thereby causing
" a greater loss to his Majesty than the highest priced offices could possi-
bly yield to him ". Marin deprecated the fact that governors who bought
their offices often issued commissions to incompetent men, occasionally
merchants or mine workers, who had had no military experience what-
ever. It was not surprising therefore that the professional presidial cap-
tains resented being obliged to take orders from such men; as a result
" discords and disturbances " arose.314

With reference to the administration of justice Marin stated that be-
cause there was no lawyer in the territory from Durango to Sonora to
advise the citizens, who " readily " engaged in lawsuits, each person was
" a lawyer for himself ", and each one was prone to presume that " jus-

813 Ibid., pp. 397-403; fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 431-435. infra.
314 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 403-405, infra ; fiscal's
opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, ibid., pp. 435, 437.

76 Introduction

tice and right " were on his side. As a result, " for slight and unsubstan-
tial causes " they were accustomed to appeal to the Audiencia of Guada-
Iajara, all of which made for inquietude and " no slight injury and dam-
age to the entire kingdom ". To make these appeals, it was necessary,
because of the little commerce between Durango and Guadalajara, to
utilize 'couriers, at " no slight expenditure of money ". For these reasons
and because " the entire commerce " of Nueva Vizcaya was with Mexico
City, so that the viceroys could easily obtain information at least every
two or three months concerning what might be happening and what
might be worthy of emendation or punishment, Marin stated that it
would be a great convenience if Nueva Vizcaya, in judicial matters, were
taken from under the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Guadalajara and
placed under that of the Audiencia of Mexico. The chief advantage in
making the proposed change, however, lay in the fact that the viceroy was
president of the Audiencia of Mexico ; in addition, as captain-general, in
the exercise of original military jurisdiction 315 in the territory in which
the Audiencia of Guadalajara exercised judicial authority, he was kept
fully advised concerning the military needs of Nueva Vizcaya. Under
such an arrangement Marin pointed out that the viceroys as presidents
of the Audiencia of Mexico could utilize to advantage in the sessions of
the audiencia the information which they might secure as captains-general,
and would therefore " attend entirely to the restoration of the kingdom
and to remedying the pernicious damages which result from these law-
suits ". Finally, Marin pointed out that if the lieutenant appointed for
El Parral were a lawyer he could, much to the relief of the governor and
citizens alike, " devote himself to bringing to a conclusion many political
matters which they present and press before him ".316

Such were the recommendations with respect to the military defense
and the civil and judicial administration of Nueva Vizcaya that were
made by Marin. A second but admittedly a slower and more deliberate
way by which Marin thought that Nueva Vizcaya might obtain some re-
lief from the depredations of the Indians was " to remedy, in part, the
depopulated condition " of the kingdom. Greater safety on the high-
ways, and more tranquillity and peace in the province generally, the possi-
bility of ultimately reducing the number of the presidios, relief from
mounting military expenses, and a greater income for the king from royal
fifths were some of the advantages which Marin felt might be realized in
case more settlers went to Nueva Vizcaya, and in case five or six desig-
nated sites in the kingdom were settled.317

316 For a brief statement concerning the judicial, military, and administrative func-
tions of the viceroy, see C. W. Hackett, " The West Indies, Castilla del Oro, and New
Spain, to 1535 ", in vol. I. of this series, pp. 22-24.

316 Marin to the Count of Galve, El Parral, Sept. 30, 1693, pp. 407, 409, infra.

817 Ibid., p. 405 ; fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 437, infra.

Introduction 77

3. Marin's modified recommendations of December, 1693, w^tn respect
to Nueva Vizcaya. After he had made the above recommendations in
writing on September 30, Marin appeared in person before the viceroy
on December 13, 1693. On this occasion he assured the viceroy that the
plans previously suggested by him would suffice only to maintain the
status quo of the kingdom, and would do that only " as long as the aid,
promptly given ", was continued. With reference to the military forces
of Nueva Vizcaya proper, Marin reversed his original recommendations,
which emphasized the necessity for maintaining the presidios, and instead
emphasized the necessity of encouraging immigration to Nueva Vizcaya
and of requiring that all settlers on the frontier serve as militiamen, in
order that the presidial forces might in time be reduced. By encouraging
immigration to Nueva Vizcaya Marin estimated that the king's profits
would be increased 180,000 pesos annually. The principal for such a sum,
reckoned on the basis of five per cent, interest thereon, would amount to
3,600,000 pesos, and to this amount Marin stated that the king had come
to be obligated to promote immigration to Nueva Vizcaya. In addition
to the king's profits, Marin stated that as a result of the population of
the kingdom being increased, many current expenses would be reduced
and an increase of commerce would be assured.

With reference to the presidial soldiers Marin recommended that since
most of them were married they should be encouraged to settle at the
presidios where they were stationed, that they should be given lands, and
that they should be encouraged to cultivate these. Such a method he be-
lieved would " serve greatly to unify and strengthen the other settle-
ments ". He declared that the twenty soldiers added that year to the field
company at El Parral were superfluous and recommended that they be
withdrawn as soon as General Retana returned to his presidio from his
campaign to the Rio del Norte. He also believed that five of the fifteen
soldiers stationed at Durango might be removed, and that the governor
should be given absolute command over them " without any interference
by the cabildo ". Finally, Marin made the optimistic prediction that in
case " events of that year should turn out well, as he expected them to do,
some of the presidios could be abolished ".318

With respect to the civilian settlements Marin recommended that these
should be composed of from sixty to seventy men. They should be pro-
vided with harquebuses, ammunition, and horses for use in case of an
emergency, and " with oxen, plows, plow-shares, and grain for the culti-
vation of the fields, the lands and farms to be divided among them with
equality and justice ". Since all the settlers were to be required to serve
as militiamen, Marin recommended that they be granted " all the pre-
rogatives, exemptions, and enfranchisements of such, as well as freedom
from all tributes ". In this way and by requiring the subjugated Indians

318Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, p. 437, infra.

78 Introduction

to settle near the Spanish settlements Marin estimated that the crown
would save " the sum total of the pay of the captains and soldiers of the
presidios ", amounting to 84,000 pesos annually, and, in addition, would
profit from the increased revenue accruing from the alcabala tax. He
estimated that the latter tax alone should, at the rate of five per cent, on
gross sales amounting to from 500,000 to 600,000 pesos, yield a return
of from 20,000 to 30,000 pesos; with the increase of population this tax
would yield proportionally more. Marin stated that it had been estimated
that royal assistance for only the settlements of El Parral and those of
Janos and Sonora would be as much as 800,000 pesos, but that this could
be afforded in view of the benefits that would result therefrom.

Finally, in case it should be decided to found the settlements, Marin
said that it would be a great advantage if the governor might have build-
ing materials and a supply of maize for planting and maintenance await-
ing the settlers at the designated sites. After the settlements were founded
he thought that an alcalde mayor and an efficient captain of war should
be named to enforce alike military preparedness and the cultivation of
the land.

Marin admitted that the execution and permanent success of his plan
were predicated upon certain essentials. In the first place, it would be
necessary to have a viceroy with the " zeal and disinterestedness "of the
Count of Galve; secondly, it would be necessary to find a person to whom
the viceroy might entrust, for a period of at least five years, the execution
of the plans ; thirdly, it would be necessary to find someone who, in spite
of losses in the past, would be willing to underwrite the proposition ; and
fourthly, it would be necessary to arrange for the transportation of set-
tlers from Galicia and the Canary Islands to Nueva Vizcaya — the Canary
Islanders to be conducted by water to the mouth of the Rio del Norte and
thence transported " in large boats " up that river to Nueva Vizcaya.

On December 15, two days after Marin had made the above recom-
mendations, the viceroy submitted to him for his consideration and recom-
mendations thereon the various proposals that had been made with refer-
ence to the military re-organization of Sinaloa and Sonora. By way of
reply Marin recommended that the fifty men in the flying company under
Don Domingo Jironza should establish their headquarters and supply-
base at Teuricache. From there, where fifteen soldiers were to be left at
all times, thirty-five soldiers " should answer the most urgent calls for
aid "; if necessary, " they should join with the people of Janos for the
success of any operation that should give a lesson to the Indians ". With
respect to the presidio of Sinaloa, Marin was of the opinion that it was
no longer profitable where it was, since there was little danger of an
uprising on the part of the peaceable and sedentary Sinaloa Indians, and
because aid might be quickly sent to Sinaloa from Rosario, Teuricache, or
Janos. " Simply through the consideration that the soldiers would be

Introduction 79

missed ", however, Marin recommended that those at the presidio of
Sinaloa should remain there, but in the capacity of settlers and not as
soldiers. In this way the king would be relieved of the expense for
salaries and at the same time sudden outbreaks along the coast would be
prevented.

As regards the formation of a company of militia at the Real de los
Frailes, Marin reiterated his belief that it would be best to withdraw the
forty-three soldiers from Sinaloa, form more companies of militia, and
appoint captains for them who would be under the direct command of
the governor. These companies could repel attacks of Indians, and could
assist the Jesuits when they were needed. However, they should be granted
" the exemptions and privileges of military rights and exemptions from
tributes ". In Marin's opinion, this was the only way by which Sinaloa
might be made safe and defended and the king " relieved in part of the
very great expense " to which he had been put in that province.319

4. Other recommendations concerning Nueva Vizcaya. Such were
the comprehensive plans of Marin for the rehabilitation of Nueva Viz-
caya. In this connection it is interesting to note that a contemporary
of Marin, Don Jose de Manzaneque, did not concur in Marin's recom-
mendations. The latter, in an undated memorial to the king, stated that
as a result of the effective offensive campaigns waged by former gover-
nors Neira and Pardinas Villar de Francos " the country was somewhat
secure ". Subsequently, as a result of a pestilence in the year 1693, many
Indians including some of their chiefs had died. For these reasons Man-
zaneque was unqualifiedly in favor of reducing the number of the pre-
sidios and soldiers of Nueva Vizcaya.320

On the other hand, the royal officials of Durango, on April 28, 1696,
advised the king that they had slight hope for the pacification of the In-
dians, and that it was only possible to realize this by creating a flying
squad at each presidio, each one to be supplemented by a company of
twenty-five Indian allies, paid for from the 6000 pesos appropriated as
a peace and war fund. When the Indians were subjugated the royal offi-
cials thought that they should be transported to Campeche and placed
in encomienda, thereby assuring peace for Nueva Vizcaya and at the same
time cutting down expenses.321

5. The recommendations of the royal fiscal to the Council of the Indies
concerning Nueva Vizcaya, April, 1698. The various recommendations
made by Marin and other officials with respect to Nueva Vizcaya were
not to receive prompt consideration from the Council of the Indies. In
fact, it was not until April 1 and 2, 1698, that the fiscal of the Council
made a report concerning them to that body. At that time the fiscal, after

819 Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. I, 1698, pp. 437-441, 445-449, infra.

™Ibid., pp. 453, 455-

821 Fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, p. 459, infra.

80 Introduction

having taken into account the various opinions and decisions of viceregal
officials and governing bodies, and looking " only to the means that
should be applied as necessary to prevent the constant attacks committed
by the Indians ", recommended to the Council that the presidios which
Nueva Vizcaya then had " should be retained with soldiers, supplemented,
by action of the viceroy, with thirty field soldiers and fifty soldiers of
the flying company in charge of Captain Don Domingo Jironza ". The
fifteen soldiers from the field company that were assigned to Durango
were to be especially charged to scout the country between the Real de
Arzate and Gamon, and other regions, as necessity might dictate, within
a radius of eighteen leagues of Durango.

The fiscal admitted that he had been influenced in his decision to retain
the presidios by a remembrance of the Pueblo Indian uprising in New
Mexico in 1680, the origin of which he attributed to the " lack of soldiers
and presidios to keep the Indians in fear ". In case his recommendation
met the approval of the Council, the fiscal thought that the governors
should be impressed with the necessity of having the captains of the
presidios leave a sufficient number of soldiers as a guard at the presidios
and to escort travellers, and, with the remaining soldiers, accompanied
by friendly Indians, should reconnoitre the places frequented by the hos-
tiles and endeavor to crush them completely. In case the Indians sub-
mitted, the fiscal approved the plans suggested by Marin for encouraging
them to become peaceable and sedentary like the Tepehuanes and the
Tarahumares. Rather than to send the subjugated Indians to Campeche
to be placed in encomienda, the fiscal thought that it would be better to
separate altogether the Indian chiefs from their people, and to force the
people, thus separated from their chiefs, to cultivate their fields;

Frequent reports, the fiscal thought, should be made by the governors
to the viceroys concerning full details of the offensive campaigns. This
would enforce the fulfillment of their duty by soldiers, captains, and the
governor; in case they defaulted in their duty their pay might " be held
back for the time that they did not perform " it.

With reference to the encouragement of immigration through the aid
of royal funds, the fiscal was of the opinion that the fertility and potential
wealth of Nueva Vizcaya were sufficiently great to attract settlers " with-
out its being necessary for any increase to the expenses of the real ha-
cienda". In particular did the fiscal disapprove of the suggestion that
" the settlers should constitute their own militiamen and that they and
building materials should be transported by sea to the mouth of the Rio
del Norte and thence up that river to Nueva Vizcaya ". The expense of
this, the fiscal said, would " be greater than the said maestre de campo
supposes " ; furthermore, since the chief employment of the settlers would
be to cultivate their farms — " the settlements being far apart and ex-
posed, and the presidios abandoned " — they would not make good militia-

Introduction 81

men. The result would be that they could easily be attacked and destroyed
and the king at the same time put to even greater expense.

With regard to the recommendations of Don Jose de Manzaneque that
the number of presidios and soldiers of Nueva Vizcaya ought to be re-
duced, the royal fiscal held that this recommendation was nullified by
Manzaneque's own statement. For, in his desire to discredit Governor
Castillo and to establish it as a fact that some security had been netted to
the kingdom during the preceding administration of Pardifias and Neira,
Manzaneque had failed to take into account the fact that in none of the
certified copies did " it appear that either of those governors ever went to
hunt for the Indians during their administrations ". As proof that these
governors had achieved little stability for Nueva Vizcaya, the fiscal re-
ferred to the records " concerning the constant robberies and murders
which Indians committed during the entire year 1692 and part of 1693
. . . until Governor Don Gabriel del Castillo assumed office ". The fiscal
even asserted that the memorial alleged to have been written by Man-
zaneque appeared " on its face to be in the self-same handwriting as that
which was written by Governor Don Juan Isidro on April 1, 1693 ".

With reference to the proposal to transfer Nueva Vizcaya in judicial
affairs from the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Guadalajara to that of
the Audiencia of Mexico, the fiscal recommended that representation
should be made to his Majesty of the many advantages that would result
from the proposed change.322

In a memorial dated April 28, 1696, the royal officials of Durango had
charged that the miners of Nueva Vizcaya were not being protected;
that little attention was being paid to augmenting the royal fifths; that
Governor Castillo and Captain Juan de Retana had even incited the
Tarahumara Indians to demolish a quicksilver establishment belonging
to a miner by the name of Don Francisco Gonzalez Ramirez; and that,
as a result of the destruction of the quicksilver establishment, the king
had been deprived of more than 6000 pesos in mining fifths, and
Ramirez had been obliged to apply three times to the Audiencia of Guada-
lajara for justice. In view of these charges the fiscal recommended to the
Council of the Indies on April 2, 1698, that Governor Castillo be censured
for permitting the quicksilver establishment to be destroyed and that the
entire matter be legally adjusted so as to secure " the greatest increase and
preservation of the mines ".323

The royal officials of Durango in the above-mentioned memorial also
complained of the heavy expense of being obliged to alternate each year
from Durango to the Real del Parral for the administration of the royal
quicksilver when their contracts did not call for them to do more than

322Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 451-457, infra; fiscal's reply, Madrid,
Apr. 2, 1698, ibid., pp. 459, 461.
823 Ibid., p. 461, infra.

82 Introduction

serve at the former place. Accordingly they recommended that an ad-
ministrator be stationed at El Parral who would be subordinate to them
and for whom they would be liable. This was disapproved by the royal
fiscal in a report to the Council of the Indies on April 2, 1698.324

In Mexico the viceregal fiscal had opposed Marin's recommendations
for the erection of a presidio at Teuricache to serve as a base for the
flying company of General Domingo de Jironza on the ground that the
erection of such a presidio would be contrary to royal orders. The royal
fiscal in Madrid, however, recommended to the Council of the Indies in
1698 that " some fort or castle " should be erected at Teuricache; he also
approved Marin's recommendations that a small detachment of soldiers
should be kept there at all times and that the remaining ones should carry
on constant offensive operations against the hostiles.

With reference to the removal of the presidio of Sinaloa to the site of
Los Cedros, or to Gentiles, the royal fiscal left the decision to the judg-
ment of the Council of the Indies.325

824 Fiscal's reply, Madrid, Apr. 2, 1698, pp. 461, 463, infra.
"2B Fiscal's opinion, Madrid, Apr. 1, 1698, pp. 455, 457, infra.

III. 2. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO NUEVA VIZCAYA IN
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

84 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Al Audiencia de la nueva Galicia que hag a la visit a de la tierra como est a
ordenado saliendo a ella cada uno de los oydores por su tumo sin
escusarse por ninguna causa.0, [Tordesillas, 24 de Julio de 1601.]

El Rey. Pressidente y oydores de mi Audiencia Real de la ciudad de
guadalajara de la provincia de la nueva galicia he sido imformado que
muchos indios del distrito dessa audiencia se an quexado en ella de los
agravios y vexaciones que reciven y pedido que un oydor saliesse a visitar
y ver los danos que los ganados les hazen para que se quitasen las estancias
de los dichos ganados que ay en mucho perjuicio de s%us pueblos porque
les comen quanto siembran hasta las cubiertas de las casas que son de paja
y que mueren de los dichos yndios y sus mugeres y hijos guardando sus
sementeras de los serenos y soles que les da y coxen los fructos sin sazon
y os consta desto y no se remedia y que aunque algunas partes dessa Pro-
vincia se avian visitado otras por ser algo distantes fragosas y Remotas
nunca se han visitado reusando lo los que de Vosotros los oydores os tocan
las dichas Vissitas y por que no es justo que se de lugar a seme j antes
ynconvienientes os Mando que hagais la Vissita de la tierra como esta
ordenado saliendo a ella cada uno de vos los oydores por su turno sin
escusaros por ninguna causa comengando la dicha vissita por los lugares
mas cercanos a essa ciudad de guadalajara hasta los que estuieren mas
distantes y apartados que no se han visitado hasta agora sin que por ningun
caso se dexe de cumplir Visitandose todo por la mucha necesidad que
tienen dello y procurando con mucho cuidado que se remedien los excessos
y agravios que se representa que reciven los yndios y que sean desagra-
viados y aliviados en todo lo que se pudiere y que no los reciban de los
officiales que fueren con los Visitadores y sin que los unos ni los otros
recivan ni tomen nada de los yndios ni de los encomenderos y de lo que
resultare de las dichas Visitas me avisareis fecha en tordesillas a veynte
y quatro de Julio de mill y seiscientos y un afios Yo el Rey refrendado
de Joan de Ybarra sefialada del consejo.

aA. G. I., 144-1-15.

Visitation of Nueva Galicia, 1601 85

To the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, ordering it to perform the visitation
of the country as commanded, each of the oidores going out for this
purpose in his turn and being excused therefrom under no circum-
stances whatever. [Tordesillas, July 24, 1601.']

The King. To the president and oidores of my royal Audiencia of the
city of Guadalajara1 in the province of Nueva Galicia: I have been
informed that many Indians of the district of that audiencia have made
complaint before it of the injuries and oppression which they suffer, and
have asked that an oidor should go out to make a visitation and see the
damages done to them by the herds, so that the cattle ranches may be
removed. These are detrimental to their towns because the cattle eat up
everything that they plant, even devouring the straw roofs of the houses.2
Furthermore, the Indians, their wives and children, are dying while
guarding their fields, on account of their sufferings from wind and sun,
and they [are obliged to] gather their produce while yet unripe [in order
to save it].

It appears that you are aware of this, but it is not remedied, and that,
although some parts of that province have been visited, others, somewhat
remote and mountainous, have never been visited at all because your
oidores, to whom such visitations fall by lot, refuse to perform the
visitations.

Wherefore, since it is not just that such things should occur, I com-
mand you to perform the visitation of the country as it is ordered, each
of your oidores going out for the purpose in turn, none of you being
excused for any reason. The visitation is to begin in the places nearest
to the city of Guadalajara, and pass then to those more remote which
have not hitherto been visited, none of them whatsoever being omitted,
as they all have great need of visitation. You shall carefully endeavor
to remedy the injuries and oppressions from which the Indians claim
that they suffer, and see that their condition is relieved and ameliorated
in every way possible; and you shall see that they receive no injury from
the officers who go with the visitors, and that neither of these take or
obtain anything from the Indians or from the encomenderos. You will
report to me whatever may be the result of these visitations. Dated at
Tordesillas, July 24, 160 1. I the King. Countersigned by Juan de
Ibarra and signed by the Council.

86 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

A I Virrey de la nueva espana can una Carta del dean de la nueva Galicia
en que dize lo que convernia que los religiosos de la conpania de Jesus
se encargasen de la conbersion de ciertos yndios para que ponga en
ello el rremedio y rrecaudo necessario} \yillalpando, 7 de Febrero
de i6o2.~\

El Rey. Conde de monterey pariente mi Virrey governador y capitan
general de la nueva espana el dean de la yglesia cathedral de la nueva gali-
cia me ha escripto la carta cuya copia va con esta en que como por ella
vereis advierte de lo que convernia que los de la conpania de Jesus se
encargasen de la conversion de los yndios gentiles que ay en las serranias
de aquella provincia y se reduxesen por buenos medios y lo que asimesmo
ymportaria aliviar del servicio de los quatro Reales que pagan los natu-
rales de la provincia de Culiacan y otras comarcanas donde ay algunos
pueblos recien poblados, por su pobreza y que se reduxessen a poblaciones
los yndios de aquella provincia para que se les pudiesen mejor administrar
los sacramentos y Porque han parecido las cossas que el dicho dean ad-
vierte de mucha consideracion y en que se deve mirar, os mando que havi-
endoos enterado muy bien de todo aquello y tornado Relacion del audi-
encia y otras personas inteligentes y del dicho dean pongais en todo el
Remedio y buen recaudo que conviniere y me aviseis de lo que oviere
desproveydo imformandome sob re esto con vuestro parecer fecha en
Villalpando a siete de hebrero de mill y seiscientos y dos anos Yo el Rey
refrendada de Joan de Ybarra y sefialada del Consejo.

A I fiscal de la audiencia de la Nueva Galicia sobre que hagase oficio en
lo que toca a los casados quienes viven sin sus mugeres y acerca de
que espanoles no biven en pueblos de indios.c [El Pardo, 20 de
Noviembre de 1603. ]

El Rey. Fiscal de mi Real audiencia de la ciudad de guadalaxara de la
nueva Galicia, en mi consejo de las Yndias se ha entendido que no se
guardan las ordenes dadas para que los casados vengan a estos Reynos
a hazer vida maridable con sus mugeres porque luego los sueltan enfiado
y con cierta pena si no se enbarcan la qual pagando se quedan en su mala
vida y que destos ay muchos en esa tierra, y porque conviene no dar lugar
a esto os mando que hagais vuestro oficio con rigor procurando el cum-
plimiento de las dichas ordenes, y que si Ubiere omision o contravencion,
en esto en esa audiencia me aviseis luego dello en el dicho mi consejo
para que provea y mande lo que convenga.

bA. G. I., 144-1-15.
CA. G. I., 103-3-1.

Married Men, 1603

87

To the viceroy of New Spain, inclosing a letter from the dean of Nueva
Galicia saying that it would be desirable that the religions of the
Company of Jesus should be placed in charge of the conversion of
certain Indians so that this work may be properly provided for and
improved. [Villalpando, February 7, 1602.']

The King. Count of Monterey,3 relative, my viceroy, governor, and
captain-general of New Spain: The dean of the cathedral church of
Nueva Galicia has written me a letter, a copy of which is herewith in-
closed, wherein, as you will see, he calls attention to the desirability of
intrusting the Company of Jesus with the conversion of the pagan In-
dians, in the mountains of that province, who should be reduced by
proper methods. He also points out that because of their poverty, it would
be worth while to remit the " service " of four reals, paid by the natives
in the province of Culiacan and other regions where there are some re-
cently converted towns. [He also recommends] that the Indians of that
province be reduced to settlements for the purpose of better administer-
ing the sacraments to them.

Inasmuch as the things which the dean points out are worthy of con-
sideration and ought to be attended to, I command you, after informing
yourself thoroughly concerning the entire situation, and after receiving
a report from the audiencia and other intelligent persons including the
dean, to take measures to improve and provide suitably for all that is
needed. Also you will report to me whatever is unprovided for, giving
me your opinion concerning it. Dated at Villalpando, February 7, 1602.
I the King. Countersigned by Juan de Ibarra and signed by the
Council.

To the fiscal of the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia ordering him to take
action in regard to married men who live apart from their wives, and
to see that Spaniards shall not live in Indian towns. [El Par do,
November 20, 1603.']

The King. To the fiscal of my royal audiencia of the city of Guadala-
jara of Nueva Galicia : It has been learned in my Council of the Indies
that the orders are not kept which provide that married men shall return
to these kingdoms [Spain] to renew the marital relations with their
wives,4 in that the men free themselves by bail and the payment of a
certain fine if they do not embark; then, after paying their fines, they
continue in their evil lives. It has also been reported that there are many
such men in that country.

Wherefore, since it is not fitting to allow this, I command you to dis-
charge your duty rigorously, effecting compliance with the orders given,
and, if they are neglected or contravened within the territory of your
audiencia, you will report the fact to me through my Council in order
that it may issue suitable orders.

88 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Y porque asimismo se a hentendido que tanpoco se guarda lo proveydo
acerca de que espafioles no biban en lugares de yndios os mando que en
lo que a esto toca hagais tanvien vuestro oficio con todo el cuydado posi-
ble, y que de vos confio por lo mucho que ynporta a mi servicio La obser-
vancia de las ordenes dadas en esta razon. — Del pardo 20 noviembre
1603. Yo el Rey.

[Carta de Francisco de Urdifiola] a su magestad. ^ [Durango,
31 de Mar so de 1604.]

Senor: por cartas del Virrey conde de monterey y del marques de
montesclaros abra entendido vuestra magestad como por aber echo don
Rodrigo de bibero gobernador y capitan general que fue desta nueba
vizcaya dexacion de estos cargos fui nombrado para el exergigio dellos
y por aberse comengado a engender el fuego de la guerra e nuebos yncen-
dios de los yndios acaxes de la sierra de san andres que no avia quedado
bien apagado ni aber dado la obediengia los ymbentores de los primeros
dafios y aber Remanegido entre ellos un yndio pernigioso que embestido
del demonio con nombre de obispo y llamandose dios traya a todos ynquie-
tos y gitandoles que se algassen todos y nos matasen bautizandolos y
casandolos y diziendoles missa y ensefiandoles nueba seta [secta] y ora-
giones acudi luego al Remedio y en siete meses que andube en las sierras
entre ellos prendi y castigue al dicho obispo y sus apostoles que con este
nombre los traya y a los demas ymbentores de las Rebeliones haziendo
Justigia dellos y bine a ganarles a todos los demas tanto las voluntades o
fuese de temor que de setenta y tantos puebleguelos y Rancherias que
avia en la sierra Repartidos em penoles y picachos bine a Redugirlos en
veinte y quatro asentandolos y congregandolos en tierras lianas y acomo-
dadas con mucho gusto donde se haze mucho fruto en su conversion y
dotrina por los Religiosos de la compafiia y se quitaron parte de los sol-
dados que estaban en el pressidio y se quitaran los demas muy breve en
todo este sugesso y tiempo no tubo vuestra magestad costa de ginco mill
pesos e yo le tube de mas de veinte mill que fue poco para lo que yo desseo
servir a vuestra magestad y lo que me queda y la vida se am de emplear
en su Real servigio. [Al mar gen dice:~\ Indio heresiarca.

Por no aber sido vissitada de ningun gobernador de veinte afios a esta
parte la provingia de ginaloa que es desta gobernagion fui alia donde hize
las ynformagiones y diligengias que embio a vuestra magestad con esta.

Gran servigio haze vuestra magestad a dios nuestro senor en aquella
comberssion de los naturales y por ser muchos los que se continuan en
aquella tierra y adelante se promete mucho mas lo qual se conseguira
mandando vuestra magestad continuar y Reforgar los soldados y Re-
ligiosos que alii se ocupan y aunque parezca que a esto contradizen al-
gunos por ber que a vuestra magestad no le biene probecho al presente
dios que tiene cuydado y prometido dara quando fuere servido como

dA. G. L, 66-6-17.

Francisco de Urdinola, 1604 89

And, since it has also been understood that the orders prohibiting
Spaniards from living in Indian towns 6 are also disobeyed, I command
you to do your duty in this matter with all possible care. I confide to you
the observance of the orders herewith issued because they are of great
importance to my service. Dated at El Pardo, November 20, 1603. I the
King.

[Letter of Francisco de Urdinola'} to his Majesty. [Durango,
March 31, 1604.]

Sir: By letters from the viceroy, the Count of Monterey,6 and from
the Marquis of Montesclaros,7 your Majesty will have learned that on
account of the resignation of Don Rodrigo de Vivero, former governor
and captain-general of this province of Nueva Vizcaya,8 I have been
named for the discharge of those duties.

Inasmuch as renewed warfare and repeated incendiarism began to ap-
pear among the Acaxees, of the Sierra de San Andres — the warfare
never having been thoroughly stopped nor complete obedience secured
from the originators of our first injuries, largely because there remained
among the Indians a pernicious individual, who, invested by the devil
with the name of Bishop, and calling himself God, made them all restless
by inciting them to rise against us and kill us, and who also baptized,
said mass, married them, and taught them a new creed and prayers —
I set about immediate improvement, and, during seven months in which
I traversed the mountains among them, I seized and punished the Bishop,
his followers who adhered to him under the designation of apostles, and
the other instigators of rebellion, executing justice upon them. I also
succeeded in gaining the good will of the other Indians, or perhaps it was
through fear, to such an extent that I was able to reduce to twenty-four
the seventy odd villages and rancherias, scattered about among crags and
peaks in the mountains, and to locate them together on level lands where
the people are adequately provided for and satisfied, and where much
success is being obtained in their conversion and religious instruction by
the members of the Company [of Jesus]. Part of the soldiers who were
in the presidio have been removed, and the remainder will be taken away
presently. During all this time, while these things were occurring, your
Majesty did not incur as much as 5000 pesos' expense, while my expenses
.were over 20,000 pesos, which was little in comparison to what I should
like to do in your Majesty's service, for all that I possess and my life
itself I desire to employ in it. [In the margin it says:} An Indian
heresiarch.

Because the province of Sinaloa, part of this governmental unit, had
not been visited by any governor during the past twenty years, it was in
that province that I made the investigations and attended to the affairs of
which I send report to your Majesty herewith.

Your Majesty is performing a great service to God our Lord in the
conversions of the natives, and, since they are numerous both in that

90 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

lo hizo en la tierra de los goachichiles donde en la guerra della gas-
tamos a vuestra magestad gran suma de dinero y luego que tubimos
la paz se descubrieron las minas de san luis y otras de donde se a sacado
mucho mas de lo que se gasto y no promete menos aquella tierra de
ginaloa por aber en ella mucha notigia de minas de plata y lo demas que
a vuestra magestad constara por las ynformagiones y por no ollarse por
la poca fuerga de los espafioles y asta agora aber sido todo guerras con
los naturales y serranos no estan descubiertas. [Al mar gen dice:~] Minas:

Vuestra magestad se satis faga que toda la nueba espana no tiene tierra
tan Rica de beneros de plata como estas provincias de la nueba vizcaya y
por estar a trasmano y en lo ultimo de la nueba espana donde no ay servi-
gio de yndios mansos y echos al trabajo como en la nueba espana y nueba
galigia para labrarlas no se saca mas plata que en todas las demas partes
y a de benir tiempo en que se a de hazer mas quenta de esta tierra que de
todo lo Restante della porque engierra en si gran Riqueza de plata.

Y para que a vuestra magestad conste lo que es toda la nueba vizcaya
y los mineros y vezinos que tiene y de las demas haziendas y entreteni-
mientos dellos hize las diligengias que embio a vuestra magestad y una
memoria que saque dellas donde ba todo Recopilado y no pude embiar
en esta ocassion la descregion de la tierra en buena orden y com puntuali-
dad con las alturas y distangias de cada lugar por aber salido de la sierra
agora poco ay no dar lugar el tiempo para que fuera con esta en la flota
hazerlo e en otra ocassion.

Visto y entendido Vuestra magestad la pobreza y falta de servigio que
oy tienen los vezinos desta gobernagion que es grande por cuya causa
todas las haziendas de minas y las demas son tan cortas y los tratantes
que se llaman mercaderes de caudal de quinientos pesos y de mill y dos
o tres y al tono desto los mas y de mandarles pagar vuestra magestad
alcabala desta miseria le biene muy poco probecho siendo vuestra magestad
servido les podria hazer merced — que no pagasen por algun tiempo porque
con gozar de esta merced — y otras que vuestra magestad les haze se
animen a benir a poblar estas provingias donde ay gran suma de descu-
brimientos de minas de buena ley que estan descubiertas y no pobladas
por la pobreza y poca gente que ay en ellas que solo en la comarca de
san andres y goanegevi ay mas de treinta descubrimientos y en el balle de
santa barbara y comarca otros ocho y aunque por agora les Relebe vuestra
magestad desta deuda por ser poca y tierra nueba quando este mas poblada
e ynteresada con las mercedes que vuestra magestad les haze se Restau-
rara este menoscabo — vuestra magestad mandara lo que fuere servido.

[Al mar gen se lee:'] que se consulte que se podria exenptar de pagar
alcavala por espagio de quinze afios. [Una rubric a.] Minas.

Con esta embio assimismo un memorial fecho con el cuydado que debo
al servigio de vuestra magestad tocante a materia de labrar minas y
menoscabo que biene a los Reales quintos y las causas de ello. Y el Reme-
dio que me parege se puede tener vuestra magestad lo bera y mandara lo
que fuere servido. [Al mar gen se lee:~\ Minas.

En toda esta gobernagion asta goadalaxara y mexico que a qualquiera
destas partes ay mas de gien legoas no ay un letrado a quien se le pueden
Remitir la determinagion de las causas de derecho e ynterese de partes por

Francisco de Urdinola, 1604 91

land and farther beyond, the prospect is good for added conversions.
These will be obtained if your Majesty will order the soldiers and relig-
ious who are there to be continued and reinforced, notwithstanding that
some persons, seeing that your Majesty is receiving no benefit at present,
seem to deny this. But God, who has care for this and has promised it,
will grant it when it pleases him, as he did in the land of the Guachi-
chiles,9 where we spent great sums for your Majesty in war with them,
and where, as soon as peace was secured, the mines of San Luis 10 and
others were discovered whence much more was obtained than had been
spent. Nor does that land of Sinaloa promise less, for there are frequent
reports of silver mines in it as well as other resources which will be appar-
ent to your Majesty from the reports submitted. Many of the mines are
not worked, however, because the Spaniards have insufficient forces;
others, because until now wars have been incessant with the natives and
the inhabitants of the hills, have not been discovered. [In the margin it
says:] Mines.

Your Majesty may rest convinced that in all New Spain there is no
land so rich in veins of silver as these provinces of Nueva Vizcaya,
although, because they are remote and in the farthest part of New Spain,
where the labor of docile Indians, trained to labor, is not obtainable as it is
in New Spain and Nueva Galicia, no more silver is taken out than in
other places. But the time will come when this territory will be considered
more important than all the rest because it is so rich in silver deposits.

In order that your Majesty might be well informed as to the character
of Nueva Vizcaya, the miners and settlers which it contains, and the
farms and other enterprises being operated by them, I made investiga-
tions, reports of which I sent to your Majesty, together with a memorial
which I drew up concerning them, wherein all the information is assem-
bled. I could not at this time, however, send the description of the country,
with proper arrangement and detail, with the latitudes and distances of
each place, because I have been down from the mountains only a short
while, and there has not been sufficient time to send it with this letter by
the fleet; hence I defer sending it until another time.

When your Majesty has seen and understood [from my report] the
poverty and lack of labor from which the settlers to-day in this large gov-
ernment suffer, as a result of which all the mining camps and other
enterprises are so meager, and the traders, called mercadeles, have capital
of only five hundred, or one, two, or three thousand pesos thereabouts
for the most part, your Majesty will see that to command them to pay
alcabala " on this poverty will bring your Majesty very little profit. If
your Majesty would be pleased to grant them the concession of not having
to pay it for some time, they would be encouraged by this, and by other
favors which your Majesty concedes to them, to come and settle these
provinces where there have been numerous discoveries of mines of good
assay, discovered, but not settled, on account of the poverty and sparse-
ness of the population. In the district of San Andres and Guanecebi alone
there are more than thirty discovered mines, and eight others in the
valley of Santa Barbara and its district. Therefore, if your Majesty
should, since they are few and the land is new, temporarily relieve them

92 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

lo qual tiene el gobernador destas provincias negessidad de un agessor
asalariado como le tienen en otras partes del nuebo Reyno e yslas — vuestra
magestad se sirba de prober pues sera conforme a su cristianisimo pecho
y gelo y de ello sera muy servido Dios nuestro senor.

Yo he servido a Vuestra magestad desde mi mogedad en todas las
ocasiones que se an ofregido en las guerras y pacification de los yndios
chichimecos destos Reynos con mucha aprobagion de los virreyes y audi-
encias y generales como constara por los papeles y Relaciones que a vues-
tra magestad se le a fecho y se aran y boy Cargando en anos y enferme-
dades y aunque es verdad que mientras me durare la vida no e de faltar
en lo que pudiere y fuere de probecho. Vuestra magestad se sirba de
Remunerar mis servigios como ellos merecen haziendome merced a mi
y a dos hijas que tengo y para Casar como de su poderosa y Christiana
mano espero guarde nuestro senor la Catolica persona de Vuestra Mages-
tad de durango p'oe 31 de marco 1604. Francisco de Urdinola.

Al obispo de la nueva Galicia que pong a remedio en los excesos que se an
entendido hazen los curas beneficiados y Religiosos que acuden a la
administration de los sacramentos dexandolos sin pagarles nada no
embargante que de la Real hazienda se les da lo que an menesterJ
\Lerma, 29 de Junio de 1605.']

El Rey. Reverendo y en christo padre obispo de la ciudad de Guada-
laxara de la provincia de la nueva galicia del mi consejo e entendido que
los clerigos curas beneficiados y Religiosos que acuden a la administration
de los sacramentos de los yndios y naturales de essa provincia no se con-
tentando con los bastimentos y las demas cosas necessarias conque para

e It is not clear for what this abbreviation stands.
1 A. G. I., 144-1-15.

Clerical Abuses, 1605 93

of the payment of this tax, later, when the country is settled more and
has prospered by the favors which your Majesty grants to them, the con-
cession may be compensated. Your Majesty will order whatever seems
desirable.

[In the margin it reads:'] Let there be consultation as to whether they
can be exempted from paying alcabala for the space of fifteen years.
[A rubric.'] Mines.

Herewith I send you also a memorial, drawn with the care suitable to
your Majesty's service, concerning the matter of working the mines and
the diminution which has occurred in the royal fifths, with the causes
thereof, and the remedy which may be applied. Your Majesty will see it
and order as seems pleasing.

[In the margin it reads:] Mines.

In all this government as far as Guadalajara and Mexico, which are
distant more than one hundred leagues from any of these parts, there is
no lawyer to whom may be referred the settlement of cases at law or the
interests of litigants. For these reasons the governor of these provinces
needs a salaried counsellor such as are had in other parts of the new
kingdom and in the islands.12 Your Majesty will please provide one, as
this will be in conformity with your Christian spirit and zeal and by your
so doing God our Lord will be well served.

I have served your Majesty since my youth upon all occasions which
have offered in the wars and pacification of the Chichimeca Indians of
these kingdoms, with the pronounced approbation of viceroys, audiencias,
and generals, as will appear by the documents and narratives which have
been and will be submitted to your Majesty. Now I am growing old and
infirm, and, while it is true that as long as my life lasts I shall not fail to
do what I can to be of service, will not your Majesty be pleased to recom-
pense my services as they deserve to be, by granting me for myself and
two marriageable daughters some favor which I expect from the powerful
and Christian hand of your Majesty. May our Lord keep your Catholic
person. Durango, March 31, 1604. Francisco de Urdinola.

To the bishop of Nueva Galicia, directing him to correct the abuses which
it has been understood that the parish priests, beneficed clergy, and
regulars commit in the administration of the sacraments, [demand-
ing from the Indians compensation in services and produce for this]
and paying them nothing therefor, in spite of the fact that they
receive from the royal treasury amounts sufficient for their expenses.
[Lerma, June 29, 1605.]

The King. Reverend sir and father in Christ, bishop of the city of
Guadalajara of the province of Nueva Galicia, and member of my Coun-
cil : I have been informed that the clericals — both parish priests, beneficed
clergy, and regulars 13 — who administer sacraments to the Indians and
natives of that province, not contenting themselves with the provisions
and other necessaries which are provided for their sustenance from

94 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

su sustento se les acude de mi Real hazienda para que no hagan ni se les
haga ninguna vejacion ni agravio a los pobres naturales y que no obstante
lo que tengo mandado les apremian a que les den cada dia dos y tres galli-
nas y maiz y los biernes vigilias y quaresmas pescado y huebos y gacate
para sus caballos y servicio de yndios e yndias sin pagarles por todo ello
ninguna cossa en que hay grande exceso y particularmente en algunos de
los rreligiosos que no son muy compuesto y que aunque lo quieren reme-
diar los prelados y audiencias no pueden hazerlo rrespecto de que como
son tan miserables no tienen ni hazen resistencia alguna y que para su
remedio conbernia, se os ordenase a Vos y a los Comisarios y Provian-
ciales de las ordenes mandasedes so pena de descomunion y graves penas
a los dichos Curas beneficiados y religiosos que no tomen cossa alguna a
los dichos naturales si no es pagandoselas a justos y moderados precios
y aviendose visto en mi consejo Real de las yndias se acordo que devia
mandar dar la presente para vos e yo lo tenido por bien y os Ruego y
encargo que pongais Remedio, y que remedieis esto de manera que cesen
estos ynconbenientes y los que adelante se podrian seguir pues beis lo
mucho que conviene avitarlos que demas de que en ello hareis lo que sois
obligado me terne por servido y de lo que hicieredes me dareis aviso para
que lo tenga entendido de lerma a veynte y nueve de Junio de mill y seis-
cientos y cinco anos Yo el Rey Refrendada de Andres de Torealina
y senalada de los del consejo.

Respuesta al governador de la nueva Vizcaya en lo tocante a las salinas
de aquella provincial [San Lorenzo, 5 de Septiembre de i6ii.~]

El Rey. Francisco de Urdinola . . . governador de la Nueva Vizcaya
se ha visto Lo que por Un capitulo de Carta Vuestra de 1 5 de abril de 607
escrivis acerca de la inportancia de la salina que se ha descubierto en essa
governacion en Veinte y cinco leguas adelante de la provincia de santa
Barbara y el fruto grande que de ella se podria sacar para mi Real haci-
enda mas porque mi Voluntad es que sin embargo, Se guarde lo probeido
Ultimamente acerca de la Livertad de todas las Salinas de essas provincias
y las demas de las Yndias, os mando que assi lo hagais. Sin contravenir
en cossa alguna a La cedula que se despacho en esta Raqon avisandome de
lo que hizieredes para que Lo tenga entendido. San Lorenzo a 3 de Sep-
tiembre de 161 1. Yo el Rey.

Servicios hechos a su Magestad Por El Cappitan don Hieronimo Velasquez
Davila [en Nueva Galicia, 1617'].*

Don Luis Ponce de leon Cappitan y Cavo de la gente de guera que vino
y esta de presidio en este de acaponeta y su Jurisdicion y alcalde mayor

e A. G. I., 103-3-I. h A. G. I., 67-1-4.

Jeronimo Velasquez Davila, 161J 95

my royal treasury, in order that they may not oppress or wrong the poor
natives, have, in spite of my commands, urged the latter to give them
daily two or three hens and corn, and on Fridays, fast-days, and during
Lent, fish, and eggs, and hay for their horses, as well as personal services
from both men and women, without any payment whatsoever for all this.

The abuse is very great, particularly among certain of the religious,
who are decidedly immoderate; and, while the prelates and audiencias
have endeavored to remedy the situation, they are unable to do so because
the [Indians] are so impoverished that they do not offer any resistance
whatever. It would seem proper, therefore, in order to effect the needed
reform, to command you and the commissaries and provincials 14 of the
orders to issue commands, under pain of excommunication and serious
penalties, to the parish priests, beneficed clergy, and the religious, not to
take anything from the natives except upon payment of just and mod-
erate prices.

The matter having been considered by my royal Council of the Indies,
it was agreed that the present order should be sent to you. I have accepted
the decision, and I therefore command and charge you to effect a reform,
and to remedy the situation so that these improprieties shall cease and
shall not recur. You can see how very desirable it is to prevent them, and
you may be assured that, whatever you do in the matter beyond what is
your. obligation, I shall consider myself well served thereby. Whatever
you do you will report to me, in order that I may be informed. From
Lerma, June 29, 1605. I the King. Countersigned, drawn up by Andres
de Torealina, and signed by the members of the Council.

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya concerning the salt deposits of
that province. [San Lorenzo, September j, i6ii.~\

The King. Francisco de Urdinola . . . governor of Nueva Vizcaya :
I have considered that which you write in an article of your letter of
April 15, 1607, concerning the importance of a salt deposit which has
been discovered in that government twenty-five leagues beyond the prov-
ince of Santa Barbara, and the great profit which might be derived from
it for my royal treasury. Nevertheless, since it is my will that recent
orders shall be obeyed which prescribe the freedom of all the salt deposits
of those provinces and of the rest of the Indies, I command that you so
maintain them, not contravening in anywise the cedula despatched for
that intent. You will advise me of what you may do that I may have due
understanding thereof. San Lorenzo, September 3, 161 1. I the King.

Services performed for his Majesty by Captain Don Jeronimo Velasquez
Davila [in Nueva Galicia. i6if\.

I, Don Luis Ponce de Leon, captain and leader of the soldiers who came
here and are serving in this presidio of Acaponeta 15 and its jurisdiction,
alcalde mayor for his Majesty in this province and land, certify that

96 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Por su Magestad en esta provincia e tierra Certiffico que el Capitan
Hieronimo Velasquez davila Vino a este Presidio de socoro Con Una
compania de veinte soldados espanoles bien armados Por horden del sefior
don Alonso Perez Merchan governador etc., en este Reyno Presidente de
la real audiencia de guadalaxara por la necesidad que abia en esta dicha
f rontera del dicho socoro por averme dado asalto en ella ochocientos gan-
dules de la nacion Tepeguanes y otras que a las suyas se abian agregado y
tenido conmigo batalla canpal y con muerte de algunos dellos Retirandose
a la sierra Para Reforcados Bolverme segundo asalto y conseguir el
Efecto de sus malos deseos Los quales Se le Reprimieron con la dicha
Venida del dicho capitan y su conpania que como tan gran soldado Vino
buscando el peligro deceoso de Encontrar al dicho Enemigo Por las
Faldas de la sierra donde se an retirado y Vviendo que no bolvia a darnos
Las cinco batallas prometidas se hordeno de Yrles a buscar y se les dio
Un albacp En el qual Son algunos muertos y heridos que fueron Se
cogieron cinco bibos de la nacion tepeguana que en su Persona y con su
Parecer Justicie En este dicho Presidio y En todo esto y lo que mas se a
ofrecido del servicio de su Magestad En todos los cassos de guera que
aqui subcedieron durante su asistencia acudio con muy gran Valor y con
muy particular cuidado Hordenando diciplinando y animando En todas
dichas ocasiones A los susodichos sus Soldados Los quales Cumpliendo
con Las hordenes E instrucciones que para ello traya pasado todo Lo
susodicho me los Entrego para que esten de asistencia en este dicho pre-
sidio porque con las confesiones que con tormento de ganucha se dieron
a los dichos cinco yndios que fueron presos declararon que pasadas Las
aguas nos bolvieran a dar segundo asalto y Por estar Nonbrado Por capi-
tan a guera En la ciudad de guadalaxara Cumpliendo con las ynstruciones
me Entrego La dicha compania Segun dicho es Cuya venida y averla
traydo y echo Lo demas Rescevido En ocasion de tanta necesidad a sido
Un muy Particular Servicio a su Magestad y es merito de toda la merced
que se le hiziere.1

Probanga de Miguel de Barrasa Resident e en las Yndias de nueba Espafia
en la Villa de Durango: De los servicios que a echo a su Magestad
en los Reynos de Vigcaya y GaliciaJ [1618.']

Senor: Miguel de Barrasa residente en las Yndias de nueba espafia en
la Villa de Durango sita en el Reyno de la nueba Vizcaya : Dice quel a
servido a Vuestra Magestad en las dichas Indias desde el afio de 84 siendo
de edad de Veinte afios Particularmente en la guerra contra los Yndios

■ F. R. B., Aug. 28, 1914.

1 A. G. I., 67-1-4. [Como titulo lleva:] Al Presidente de yndias. Sefior. Miguel de
Barrasa Residente en las Yndias de Nueba espafia en el Reyno de la Nueba Vizcaya en
La villa de Durango. Pide el Corregimiento de santa barbara en la nueba Vizcaya y
caso que no se tome resolncion informe del util, y sus servicios Virrey y Audiencia
de Mexico.

Miguel de Barrasa, 1618 97

Captain Jeronimo Velasquez Davila 18 came to this presidio with a relief
company of twenty well-armed Spanish soldiers, by order of Don Alonzo
Perez Merchan,17 governor of this kingdom, and president of the royal
Audiencia of Guadalajara. He was sent because of the need of a relief
party on this frontier, inasmuch as I had here been attacked by eight hun-
dred vagabonds of the Tepeguanes nation and others who had joined
them. They had given me battle in the open field, but, upon the death of
a few of them, they had retired to the sierra in order that, reinforced, they
might attack me a second time and achieve the purpose of their evil de-
sires. They were, however, prevented by the coming of the captain and
his company; he, great soldier that he was, came in search of danger,
desiring to meet the enemy upon the slopes of the sierra whither they had
retired. Seeing that they did not come back to offer us the five battles
which they had promised, orders were given to go in search of them, and
they were surprised at dawn by an attack in which some were killed, some
were wounded but escaped, and five of the Tepehuanes nation were taken
alive. The latter, upon the judgment and advice of the captain, I executed.
In this presidio, in all the foregoing fighting, and in all other situations
of war requiring service to his Majesty which arose during his presence
here, the captain acted with great valor, and marked carefulness. He
commanded, disciplined, and encouraged his soldiers in all these situa-
tions, and then, when the orders and instructions for the observance of
which they came had been fulfilled, he turned them over to me, that they
might remain in service in this presidio. This was because the five Indians
who had been captured had declared, in confessions made under torture
by the ganucha, that when the rainy season should have passed they
would come again to attack us. He, therefore, having been named war
captain in the city of Guadalajara, in compliance with his instructions,
turned over to me the company, as has been said. His coming, his having
brought the company, and his having done all the other things which he
did upon an occasion of such necessity, has been of particular service to
his Majesty, and is worthy of any favor which may be conceded to him.

Proof by Miguel de Barrasa, a resident of the villa of Durango, New
Spain, in the Indies, of services which he has performed for his
Majesty in the kingdoms of Vizcaya and Galicia* [1618.]

Sir: Miguel de Barrasa, a resident of the villa of Durango, situated in
the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, New Spain, in the Indies, says that he
has served your Majesty in the Indies since the year 1584, at which time
he was twenty years old. He served, specifically, in the war against the
Guachichiles Indians of Nueva Galicia, with his arms, servants, and

* [The title is:] To the president of the Indies : Sir: Miguel de Barrasa, a resident of
the villa of Durango, in the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, New Spain, in the Indies, prays
to be granted the corregimicnto 18 of Santa Barbara, Nueva Vizcaya ; and, in case no
decision is reached requests that the viceroy and the Audiencia of Mexico make a report
concerning his utility and his services.

98 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Guachichiles de la nueba Galicia Haciendo guarda con sus armas criados
y caballos a todos los pasageros y a los que con carretas y recuas metian
Vastimentos y Vituallas a las minas de Vuestra Magestad en el Masapil y
saltillo cuyos caminos heran offendidos de los salteadores yndios allandose
en todas las ocasiones con mucho travajo y riesgo de su vida y todo a
costa de su hacienda sin llebar a Vuestra Magestad salario ni acostamiento
alguno. Y en la guerra quando se algaron Los Yndios Conchos, que
residen en las comarcas de Sancta Barvara, Donde asistio a su costa en
todas Las ocasiones, particularmente aviendole cometido el Governador
y Capitan Alonso diaz el ir a hazer gente Para el castigo dellos a la Ala-
guna y Meszquitales donde estaban Revelados Los dichos yndios y al-
gadas Las Rancherias, el dicho Miguel de Barrasa con sus soldados tu-
bieron Batallas de mucho riesgo con ellos y los redujo a la paz sacando
dellos mucha cantidad con los quales se hizo guerra a los de la dicha Pro-
vincia de Santa Barvara y prosiguiendo La guerra y castigo de los Dichos
indios fue hasta Las comarcas de Nuebo Mexico, haciendo guerra a todos
los Revelados hasta Reducirlos al servicio de Vuestra Magestad En cuyas
ocasiones recivio muchas y muy grandes heridas y una que se le ue en el
Rostro sobre el carrillo derecho y en la guerra que se higo al casique Ati-
buliaga y a los Yndios de su nacion questaban retirados en un penol fuerte
hasziendo guerra a los espafioles de la dicha provincia fue uno de los
primeros que lo ganaron con gran riesgo de su vida de que resulto quedar
La dicha Provincia quieta y los Yndios della asentados y de Paz en que
se hizo gran servicio a Vuestra Magestad y sin costa alguna de su Real
acienda. Y en la guerra quando se alc^aron los Yndios de las salinas de
Machete y Posso ediondo Donde yendo el Capitan Alonso Hernandes
con numero de soldados nombro al dicho Miguel de barrasa por su cau-
dillo y como tal servicio a Vuestra Magestad a su costa todo el tiempo
que duro La dicha guerra hasta dejar Los yndios asentados y de paz, y a
ayudado juntamente a hacer muchos descubrimientos de Minas en par-
ticular las de Sancto Andres Topia y las de los Papudos y las de Guana-
cevi en que a sido Vuestra Magestad muy bien servido y crecido sus
Reales quintos y aumentadas sus poblaciones como consta Por sus papeles.

En consideracion de lo qual y de los grandes cervicios que hizo Her-
nando trexo carvajal governador que fue destas provincias sobredichas,
suegro del suplicante y de los de sus antepasados ansi en las yndias como
en otras partes como es publico y notorio A Vuestra Magestad Pide y
suplica se sirba de mandar nombrar al dicho miguel de Barrassa Por cor-
regidor de la dicha Provincia de Sancta Barvara con nombre de Protector
de ellas y de sus Naturales como de Protector de las Minas de Guanacevi
San Juan de yndele Santhiago de Mapini Minas de guancame que son
las Reales de aquella Vereda.

Advirtiendo a Vuestra Magestad que importa a su Real servicio con-
servacion y augmento de los Naturales el que se reduQgan Las cinco Al-
cardias en que esta Repartida La dicha Provincia, a correjimiento que se
intitule della Porque cada uno de los alcaldes con nombre de Protector y
poder de alcalde se bale del trabajo de aquellos pobres Yndios Para sus
granjerias a titulo de Protectores Sin tratar del augmento de Vuestra
Magestad y poblacion de sus tierras Llebando cada Uno trecientos pesos

Miguel de Barrasa, 1618 99

horses, as a guard for all the travellers and all those who transported
supplies and food by wagon or packtrain to your Majesty's mines in
Mazapil 10 and Saltillo. The roads over which this traffic passed were
infested by Indian highway robbers, and this suppliant, though continu-
ously undergoing great hardships and risk to his life, served entirely at
the cost of his own estate, receiving from your Majesty neither salary
nor payment of expenses whatsoever. In the war at the time of the revolt
of the Conchos Indians, who dwell in the vicinity of Santa Barbara, he
served upon all occasions entirely at his own cost.

Specifically, when Governor and Captain Alonzo Diaz 20 had charged
him to go and enlist men for the punishment of the Indians at La Laguna
and at Mezquitales, where they were in rebellion and where the rancherias
were devastated, Miguel de Barrasa and his soldiers fought dangerous
battles with them, reduced them to peace, and obtained from them a large
number of men with the assistance of whom they made war upon the
Indians of the province of Santa Barbara. In the pursuit of this war and
in the punishment of these Indians, he went as far as the confines of New
Mexico, warring upon all the rebels until they were subjected to your
Majesty's service. On these occasions he received many serious wounds,
one of which is visible upon his right cheek. In the war waged against
the cacique, Atibuliaga, and the Indians of his nation who had retired to
a strong position on a cliff whence they waged war upon the Spaniards
of that province, Barrasa was, at great risk to his life, one of the first of
those who scaled the cliff. As a result of the fight there, that province
was pacified and the Indians in it peaceably took up fixed abodes. This
was a great service to your Majesty, and it cost your royal treasury
nothing.

In the war when the Indians of Las Salinas de Machete and Pozo
Hediondo revolted, Captain Alonzo Hernandez, going thither with a
number of soldiers, named Miguel de Barrasa as their leader; in that
capacity he served your Majesty at his own expense throughout the war
until the Indians were settled peaceably in fixed abodes. He has also
assisted in numerous discoveries of mines, particularly those of San
Andres, Topia, Los Papudos, and Guanacebi. By these discoveries your
Majesty has been well served, your royal fifths 21 have been increased,
and your settlements made more numerous, as appears from Barrasa's
papers.

In consideration of all the foregoing, and of the great services rendered
by Hernando Trexo Carbajal,22 former governor of these provinces and
father-in-law of the applicant, and in consideration of the publicly and
widely known services of his forbears both in the Indies and elsewhere,
Miguel de Barrasa begs and supplicates that your Majesty will be pleased
to order that he be named corregidor 23 of the province of Santa Barbara
with the title of Protector of the provinces and of the natives thereof,
and also Protector of the mines of Guanacebi, San Juan de Indehe
[Inde], Santiago de Mapimi, and the Mines of Cuencame, which are the
camps along that trail.

He calls the attention of your Majesty to the fact that it is of impor-
tance to your royal service and the preservation and welfare of the natives
8

100 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

de salario de su Real aver. Todas Las quales Reduziendolas a correji-
miento Dios y Vuestra Magestad seran muy bien servidos y el sueldo que
son mil y quinientos pessos Puede ser La tercera parte menos o lo que
Vuestra Magestad se sirviere y la tierra se poblara y aumentara La
hacienda de Vuestra Magestad como se a visto en otras Provincias que
se a echo Lo proprio que ademas del Real servicio de Vuestra Magestad
a que el suplicante atiende y a de atender toda su Vida Recivira Particular
merced y Resplandecera La clemencia de Vuestra Magestad Premiando
Los muchos servicios que a echo y los de su suegro y los de sus antepas-
sados, etc.

(y en caso que no se tome Resolucion pide y suplica a Vuestra Magestad
se sirva que imforme del util y sus servicios el Virrey y audiencia de
mexico.)k

Relation breve y succinta de los sucesos que ha tenido la guerra de los
Tepehuanes de la governacion de la Nueva Vizcaya desde 15 de
Noviembre de 16 16 hasta 16 de Mayo de 1618.1

Ano y medio ha que empecp esta guerra y es fuerqa que la que tubo
tan rigorosos y pensados prinqipios, no aya de tener tan facil el dexo.
Movieronse estos Yndios Tepehuanes a mudar religion por instinto y
persuacion del Demonio y assi levantaron Ydolo, y se governaban por
hechizeros, y para establecer mejor su nueva eleccion, no obstante que
ellos son en mucha cantidad y corren muchas leguas, de la Nueva espafia,
por mayor seguridad trataron desde luego de convocar todas las otras na-
ciones de la Governacion, y fueron tan astutos, y manosos en hazer este
movimiento que apenas ha quedado en toda la governacion (que tiene de
distrito mas de 250 leguas a lo largo y casi otras tantas de trabesia) quien
no aya entrado en el dicho al^amiento.

Luego que sucedio se hizieron informaciones del caso y por ellas consto
aver tres, o quatro anos, que andaban amasando, lo que despues execu-
taron el afio de 1616 a los 15 de Noviembre, y fue su primer artificio
querer dar a un mismo tiempo en todos Los puertos y pueblos de la Gov-
ernacion y si Dios Nuestro Sefior no les atajara este designio con la
golosina de robar cantidad de ropa y mercancia, con que se encontraron

k F. R. B., Sevilla, July 31, 1914,
1A. G. L, 66-6-17.

The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 101

that the five alcaldias 24 into which the province is divided should be
combined into one corregimiento to be called by the name of the province.
For each one of the alcaldes, with the designation of protector of the
Indians and possessing the power of an alcalde, takes advantage, by vir-
tue of his title of protector, of the labor of those poor Indians for his
own traffic, at the same time neglecting the prosperity of your Majesty
and the settlement of your land, notwithstanding each of them receives
a salary of three hundred pesos from the royal treasury. If all these
alcaldias were to be reduced to one carregimiento, God and your Majesty
would be well served. The salary, which now amounts to 1500 pesos,
might be reduced by one-third or whatever amount your Majesty might
please; the land would be settled, and your Majesty's treasury would be
increased, as has been the case in other provinces where the change pro-
posed has been made. If your Majesty will reward the many services
which the applicant has performed, those of his father-in-law and his
forebears, he will receive, in addition to the pleasure of serving your
Majesty as he does and will do throughout his life, an especial favor
whereby the clemency of your Majesty will be resplendent.

(In case no action is taken, the suppliant asks and beseeches your
Majesty to ask the viceroy and Audiencia of Mexico to submit a report
concerning his usefulness and his services.)

A brief and succinct account of the events of the war with the Tepehuanes,
government of Nueva Vizcaya, from November 15, 1616, to May 16,
1618.

It is now a year and a half since this war began, and it is perforce true
that since it had such severe and deliberate beginnings it will not be easy
to conclude. These Tepehuanes were induced to apostatize through in-
stinct and the persuasion of the devil. They set up an idol; they were
governed by wizards ; and, in order better to establish their new project,
although they are numerous and extend over many leagues of New Spain,
they at once attempted, for greater security, to convoke all the other
nations of that jurisdiction. They were so astute and clever in this move-
ment that there scarcely remains in the entire government (which is
almost 250 leagues long and nearly as wide) anyone who has not taken
part in the uprising.

As soon as this occurred investigations were made of the situation,
from which it appeared that for three or four years they had been formu-
lating revolutionary plans, which afterwards they put into execution on
November 15, 1616.25 Their first scheme was to attack all the ports and
towns of the government at the same time, and if God our Lord had not
distracted them from this design by the prospect of stealing a quantity
of clothing and merchandise which they came upon on the road to Topia,
which served to give warning of the day set, there is no doubt but that the
damage would have been irreparable. Indeed on various occasions and

102 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

camino de Topia, y fue parte para prevenir el dia senalado, no ay duda
sino que hubiera sido el dano irreparable, con todo eso, aunque en varios
tiempos y dias executaron muchas muertes, robos, y quemas de pueblos
y por seis o siete meses se sustentaron en campafia acometiendo a todas
partes, hasta que el Virrey de Nueva Espana pudo embiar socorro suffi-
ciente de algunos capitanes y soldados, que ayudaron a los de aca, y se ha
militado contra ellos.

El Governador Don Gaspar de Albear luego que fue sabidor de tan
gran movimiento sabiendo por informacion, que dello se hizo, que el
principal intento de las Tepehuanes era destruyr la dicha villa de Guadiana
cabecera de la Governacion, y para esto estaban unidos y concertados los
Pueblos de Tepehuanes circumvezinos a la dicha villa ; dio tra^a en como
fuessen prevenidos, ganandoles el lance. Para lo qual disimulando la
traca y con achaque de fortifkar las casas Reales, hizo llamar a los
Tepehuanes mas principals dellos, y antes que se declarassen, Lunes
21 de Noviembre 1616 considerando la gravedad del caso, llamo al factor
Rafael de Gascue, el dia antes nombrado por maestre de campo y lugar-
teniente de capitan General, para que como el mas experimentado con
mucha mafia prendiesse los Governadores, los Caciques, y principales de
los Yndios lo qual hizo con mucha destreqa y fueron 75, los mas belicosos,
y todos confessaron ser verdad que el martes siguiente 22 de Noviembre
avian de dar y asolar a Guadiana. La prission se acabo de hazer como
a las seys de la tarde y los mas estaban en las casas Reales, unos en cepos,
otros atados, y unos pocos en la carcel. Este dia como a las nueve de la
noche se toco un arma muy viva en Guadiana (Lugar de cien vezinos
espanoles) el alboroto fue terrible, por que entraron diziendo los que
venian de f uera ; entraban mas de dos mil Yndios de arco y flecha ; Los
pocos espanoles que avia se previnieron y mataron casi todos los presos,
que no quedaron vivos sino cjnco o seys, que se ahorcaron otro dia sigui-
ente Martes a la hora que avian de executar su maldad: Murieron al-
gunos como christianos confessando el rebelion general. Un Cacique
llamado Don Marcos de los principales movedores del al<;amiento de nin-
guna manera se quiso confesar y se arrojo el mismo de la horca.
Pusieronse todos por los caminos y los demas Yndios se perdieron de
animo y consejo y se huyeron todos a la Sierra. Con esto se remedio
algo el peligro que amenagaba a Guadiana y pudo el Governador salir a
campear, como lo hizo con el mayor numero de gente que pudo Juntar,
aunque mal armados, Porque el ocio de la paz avia puesto en olvido las
armas. Salio en 19 de Diciembre del dicho ano dexando ahorcado antes
una espia que se cogio en 27 de Noviembre el qual venia a reconocer la
Villa y ver el estado que tenia para acometerla (otro dia por la manana
28) un esquadron de ochocientos Yndios a pie y catorce de a caballo, de
que venia por capitan un Yndio llamado Pablo y se avian emboscado en
el xaral, puesto oculto dos leguas de Guadiana con la muerte de su espia
se deshizo su intento.

En 20 del, dicho, antes de amanecer llego el Governador a la estancia de
la sauceda sin ser visto ni sentido de los Yndios enemigos, en la estancia
que esta 9 leguas de Guadiana, estaba recogida mucha gente y fue acome-
tida muchas vezes obstinadamente de los enemigos y a 21 creyendo no

The Tcpehnanes, 1616-1618 103

days they committed many murders and robberies and burned villages;
for six or seven months they kept the field, attacking in all directions,
until finally the viceroy of New Spain 26 was able to send sufficient assis-
tance in the form of some captains and soldiers who aided those who were
here. As a result the war has gone against them.

The governor, Don Gaspar de Albear,27 as soon as he heard of so great
a movement, learning by investigations which were made that the chief
purpose of the Tepehuanes was to destroy the villa of Guadiana, capital
of the jurisdiction, for which purpose the Tepehuane villages round about
Guadiana were united and agreed, adopted a plan to forestall them, and
thereby gained an advantage over them. In order to do this he concealed
his design, and under pretext of fortifying the government buildings, had
the principal Tepehuanes called together before they should declare the
revolt. On Monday, November 21, 1616, in consideration of the serious-
ness of the situation, he called upon the factor, Rafael de Gascue, ap-
pointed on the preceding day maestre de campo and lieutenant-captain-
general — he being the most experienced person available — to seize craftily
the governors, caciques, and principal men of the Indians. This he did
very cleverly, securing seventy-five of the most warlike ones, all of whom
confessed that it was true that on the following Tuesday, November 22,
they were to attack and destroy Guadiana. These Indians were appre-
hended at about six o'clock in the afternoon. Most of them were [placed]
in the government buildings, some in stocks, others bound, while a few
were [placed] in the jail.

About nine o'clock that evening a very loud alarm was sounded in
Guadiana, a town of about one hundred Spanish settlers. The confusion
was terrible, for those who came in from the outside said that more than
2000 Indians with bows and arrows were coming. The few Spaniards
who were there took the forewarning and killed nearly all the prisoners,
only five or six being left alive, and these were hanged the next day,
Tuesday, at the hour appointed for their uprising. Some of them died
as Christians, confessing the projected general uprising. One chief named
Don Marcos, one of the principal leaders of the revolt, would by no means
make a confession, and voluntarily sprang from the gallows. Their bodies
were placed upon all the roads, and the remaining Indians lost courage
and counsel, and fled to the mountains.

By this means the danger which threatened Guadiana was relieved
somewhat, and the governor was enabled to take the field, which he did,
with the largest number of men he could muster ; these were poorly armed,
because the idleness of peace had resulted in neglect of the weapons. He
set out on December 19 of the same year, having first hung a spy who
was caught on November 27, as he was coming to reconnoitre the villa
and ascertain its condition in order that a troop of 800 Indians on foot
and fourteen mounted, led by an Indian named Pablo, might attack it on
the morning of the next day, the twenty-eighth. These Indians were in
ambush at El Jaral, a secret rendezvous two leagues from Guadiana.
However, upon the death of their spy they gave up the plan.

On the twentieth of the same month, before dawn, the governor reached
the cstancia of La Sauceda without being seen or his presence being

104 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

avia entrado en ella el Governador, venian a asolarla 800 Tepehuanes,
viendolos asomar nuestra gente y creyendo que eran pocos salieron al-
gunos dellos sin orden ni concierto, y los Yndios cautelosamente se
fueron retirando a la sierra, adonde metieron a los espafioles y tenian el
grueso de su gente emboscada Peleose sin traca por lo dicho y los nuestros
corrieron mucho riesgo, mataron un espanol llamado Herrera que se
llevaron los Yndios sin poderlo remediar, y no se hecho menos hasta que
falto y fueron heridos otros siete u ocho espafioles y los nuestros mataron
14 gandules sin muchos heridos, con que se desaparecieron por entonces
los Tepehuanes.

Venian de todas partes malas nuevas de muertes, robos, e incendios,
y en particular de Guanacebi el Real de minas mas importante deste
Reyno de la Nueva Vizcaya que cae en el rifion de la Tepehuana, donde
estaban los vezinos de aquel pueblo en grande riesgo, por la multitud de
Yndios que con diabolicos asaltos les acometian muchas vezes pedian
socorro con grande prissa, avisando que solos doce o trece dias se podian
sustentar, por no tener vituallas, ni municiones de guerra. Entro el Gov-
ernador en consejo con los Capitanes y soldados mas experimentados.
Todos fueron de parecer embiasse socorro ; mas que en ninguna manera
convenia le llevasse el governador por el grande riesgo que corria su per-
sona y gente Porque si le sucedia mal, como era evidencia por la poca
gente que tenia, perdiendose el Governador Y soldados, se perderia el
Reyno, mas considerando el Governador que si no yba el en persona, no
hubiera quien llevara el Socorro, que era gran compasion que pereciessen
100 almas que estaban en Guanacebi en tan gran riesgo ; resolviosse yr el
proprio y dexaron de yr con el personas que hasta entonces avian tenido
alguna opinion, dando muy leves disculpas para no yr de do se saco, que
los que fueron fue por ver yr al Governador.

Salio de la Sauceda para yr a socorrer a san Juan del Rio, a las minas
delndehe, y a las de Guanacebi a 30 de Diziembre. Llego a san Juan a
las nueve de la noche, el mismo dia, y dexo ocho soldados de guarnicion
deste Pueblo salio a primero de Henero de 617 y llego a las minas de
Indehe a 7 do recogio vituallas y ganados que llevar y las arinas que le
truxo el Alcalde mayor de Santa Barbara con socorro de 100 Yndios
Conchos.

Partio a 12 y llego a 15 a Guanacebi con el socorro de armas y muni-
ciones, rompiendo por medio de los enemigos, y hallo todo el pueblo
recogido en la Yglessia y otras quatro casas del rededor y en el ultimo
trance por que ya los enemigos avian quemado todo el lugar y los ingenios
de sacar plata el sustento les avia ya faltado y comian los perros y gatos.
Consololos el Governador a todos alabando su constancia y les dio 300
quintales de arina que les trahia, 600 Bacas Y 400 fanegas de maiz.
Y dexandoles presidio de 25 soldados, polvora y municiones, partio la
via de un pueblo llamado San Ygnacio, por otro nombre el <^ape cinco
Leguas de Guanacebi, partido de los Religiosos de la compania de Jesus,
domingo 22 de Henero. Hallo quemada la Yglessia y casa, y desamparado
todo el pueblo, y quatro Religiosos de la compania flechados y muertos
y con ellos otras cien personas. Dioseles entierro. De aqui tomo la buelta

The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 105

known by the enemy. At this estancia, which is nine leagues from Gua-
diana, many people were gathered and these were many times attacked
furiously by the enemy. On the twenty-first, 800 Tepehuanes, believing
that the governor had not reached the estancia, came to pillage it. Our
men on seeing them and thinking that they were few, went out to meet
them without order or plan. The Indians for their part cautiously retired
toward the mountains, where, having the bulk of their number in ambush,
they attacked the Spaniards. As a result the fighting was without system
and our men were subjected to considerable risk. A Spaniard named
Herrera was killed ; he was carried off by the Indians, there being no help
for it, since he was not missed until some time after he was gone. Seven
or eight other Spaniards were wounded. Our men killed fourteen of the
vagabonds but did not wound many. With this, the Tepehuanes for the
time being disappeared.

Bad news of murders, robberies, and incendiarisms came from all sides,
especially from Guanacebi, the most important mining camp in the king-
dom of Nueva Vizcaya, and situated in the centre of the Tepehuane
country. There the citizens of that town were in great danger from the
horde of Indians, who diabolically attacked them many times. These citi-
zens asked for the most prompt assistance, announcing that they could
hold out for only twelve or thirteen days, since they had no food or muni-
tions of war. Whereupon the governor held a council of war with the
captains and the most experienced soldiers, all of whom were of the
opinion that help should be sent, but that under no circumstance should
the governor take it to them on account of the risk he personally and his
people would run; for, if he should have misfortune, as was likely on
account of the few men which he had, and the governor and his soldiers
should be lost, the kingdom itself would be lost. But the governor, real-
izing that if he did not go in person there would be no one to take the
assistance, and that it was a great pity that one hundred persons in Guana-
cebi, in such great danger, should perish, resolved, quite properly, to go
himself. And some persons, who until then had held an opposite opinion
and who had given weak excuses for not going, no longer opposed accom-
panying him. It therefore turned out that those who went did so because
they saw that the governor was going.

He set out from La Sauceda on December 30 to go to succor San Juan
del Rio, the mines of Indehe [Inde?], and those of Guanacebi. He arrived
at San Juan at nine o'clock on the night of the same day. Leaving eight
soldiers to garrison this town, he set out on January 1, 161 7, and arrived
at the mines of Indehe [Inde?] on January 7. There he collected victuals
and cattle to take along, and flour which the alcalde mayor of Santa Bar-
bara, with the help of 100 Conchos Indians, brought to him.

He set out [from the mines of Indehe] on the twelfth and reached
Guanacebi on the fifteenth with the arms and ammunition. Cutting his
way through the midst of the enemy he found all of the people assembled
in the church and in four adjacent houses in the last stage of resistance,
for the enemy had already burned all the place and the equipment for
taking out silver. Their provisions had failed, and they were eating the
dogs and cats. The governor comforted them all, praising them for their

106 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

de Santa Catalina, de Santiago Papasquaro y otros Pueblos, donde hallo
otros quatro Religiosos de la compafiia muertos, un fraile de San Fran-
cisco y atras avian dexado otro de santo Domingo y Junto con ellos otros
muchos cuerpos de difuntos que pasarian de 160, en estos caminos tubo
varios encuentros con diferentes Yndios.

Junto a Santa Catalina en 12 de Hebrero le salieron a acometer al Gov-
ernador y su gente gran suma de Tepehuanes. No se pudo saber al cierto
que tantos serian, mas vinieron acometiendo, creyendo ser los nuestros los
vezinos de Guanacebi, que despoblaban y yban huyendo. Luego salieron
desta duda en ver el brio con que los nuestros acometieron, aunque pocos,
que no eran mas de 30 soldados. Mataron 13 gandules y se cogio uno
vino llamado Andres Lopez, el qual dixo donde estaba parte de la gente
del enemigo retirada y hecha fuerte, que era un lugar llamado Tenerapa,
Huyeron los Yndios por las Serranias muy aproposito para estos Lances.
Este dia camino y llego al Pueblo de Atotonilco, como a las nueve de la
noche y llamo a consejo a los capitanes y les dixo como ya sabian por el
dicho del Yndio Andres, como estaba el enemigo fortificado en Tenerapa,
y que seria bien caminar aquella noche y darles albazo antes que tubiesen
nueva de su venida. Todos dixeron que no era posible caminar aquella
noche dies leguas que avia de alii a Tenerapa, y las sierras dificultosas de
andar y que demas de aver peleado la gente aquel dia, avian caminado seis
leguas y quando esto no fuera y estubieran descansados no avia noche
para caminar dies leguas para que eran por lo menos menester doce horas
de tiempo. A estas dificultades afiadieron otras muchas y no embargante
todo esto se resolvio el Governador a que se caminasse luego tomando
antes algun refresco y assi partio aquel dia caminando sobre seis leguas
otras dies de prolixo y aspero camino no podian las cabalgaduras dar paso
de media noche abaxo y los Yndios amigos yban floxos cansados y con
poco haliento, a todos los animo el Governador hasta la mafiana, mas de
un hora salido el sol que se puso a vista de Tenerapa lugar fuerte por el
sitio y dificultoso de caminar por el f ueron sentidos de un Yndio, que toco
arma y hubose de acometer y los nuestros lo hizieron con tan buen brio
que espanoles y Yndios amigos no parecia aver caminado media legua.
Duro la batalla como una hora hasta que los enemigos huyeron ; mataronse
60 Tepehuanes y fue la presa entre mugeres y muchachos de 220 per-
sonas que se truxeron en Collera en 4 de Marqo a Guadiana.

Quedo en este interim a cargo del Teniente de General Rafael de
Gascue el govierno de las cosas de guerra deste Reyno y la defensa de
Guadiana, que la defendio muy bien; quatro o cinco dias salido el Gover-
nador della consideraron los Tepehuanes quedaba muy solo en el lugar,
por aver salido de el, con casi toda la gente, hizieron una Junta de 200
Yndios dellos numero que les parecio sufficiente para ganar el pueblo y
asolarlo y se venian con gran secreto a meter en un lugar llamado el Tunal
una legua de esta villa. Tubo aviso dello el Teniente de General y no
quiso aguardarlos en poblado, y embio en su busca al Capitan Gongalo
Martin de Soria con 15 companeros con el orden que avia de guardar,
caminaron media noche rodeando quatro leguas por cogerles las espaldas
y al amanecer les acometieron con brio a 60 Yndios que venian delante

The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 107

endurance, and gave them 300 quintals of flour which he had brought
them, 600 cows, and 400 fanegas of corn. Leaving them a presidio with
twenty-five soldiers, powder, and munitions, he set out on Sunday,
January 22, for a town named San Ignacio, otherwise known as El Zape,
five leagues from Guanacebi and in the district assigned to the religious
of the Company of Jesus. He found the church and [parish] house
burnt, the town deserted, four religious of the Company [of Jesus] shot
with arrows and dead, and one hundred other persons with them, whom
he buried. From here he returned by way of Santa Catalina, Santiago
Papasquiaro, and other towns, where he found dead four other religious
of the Company [of Jesus], one Franciscan friar, and another friar of
the Dominican order whom he had left behind; in addition many other
corpses numbering over 160 were found. On these roads he had frequent
encounters with various Indians.

Near Santa Catalina on February 12 there came out to attack the gov-
ernor and his men a great number of Tepehuanes. It was not possible to
know for certain how many there were, but they advanced to attack,
thinking that our men were the settlers of Guanacebi who were deserting
the town and fleeing. They were quickly disillusioned when they saw
the spirit with which our men — although few, there being not more than
thirty soldiers — made the attack. Our men killed thirteen of the vaga-
bonds and captured one alive named Andres Lopez, who told where part
of the enemy forces were concealed in a stronghold, at a place named
Tenerapa. The Indians fled through the hills, which gave admirable
opportunity for flight.

This day the governor marched and reached the town of Atotonilco at
about nine o'clock at night. Here he called a council of the captains and
told them, as they already knew from the above-mentioned Indian, Andres,
that the enemy was fortified in Tenerapa, and that it would be well to
march that night and surprise them at dawn before they should have news
of his coming. All said that it was not possible that night to march the ten
leagues from that point to Tenerapa, over mountains difficult to traverse,
and that in addition to having fought the Indians that day they had
marched six leagues, and that if this had not been the case and they had
been rested, the night would not be long enough to march ten leagues,
which would require at least twelve hours. To all these difficulties they
added many others, but in spite of them all the governor decided to set
out at once after some light refreshment. He therefore set forth the same
day, going in addition to the six leagues another ten, over intricate,
rough roads, on which the pack animals could make no headway after
midnight, and the Indian allies moved slowly, being tired and having
little spirit. But the governor encouraged them all until morning, when,
about an hour after sunrise, they caught sight of Tenerapa, which is in a
very strong natural location. The road to it being difficult, they were
detected upon it by an Indian who sounded the alarm, so that it was
necessary to make the attack at once. This our forces did with such spirit
that it was as though the Spaniards and Indian allies alike had not
travelled half a league. The battle lasted about an hour before the enemy

108 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

descubriendo y reconociendo. De los primeros pelotazos cayeron dos
capitanejos, que los venian sargenteando, con que les dio tanto miedo que
todos volvieron huyendo, perniquebrandose muchos que se despenaron.
Truxeron las manos derechas a Guadiana y fueron bien recibidas, por
averse con esto librado del riesgo que la amena^aba.

A 4 de Marco, como esta dicho, llego la presa a Guadiana y otro dia a
5 del dicho puso su Real como una legua distante en un parage que llaman
de Pacheco. Sentencio la presa y repartiola. Aqui dio orden de lo que
los otros capitanes avian de hazer en las demas partes de la governacion,
donde se avian declarado los algados. Ordeno al capitan Bartolome
Xuarez, Capitan del presidio de San Hipolito, en los Xiximes, que saliesse
a Campana y tomasse la via de los Pueblos Tepehuanes que caen al
poniente de Guadiana, salio luego en cumplimiento desta orden y tubo
algunas buenas suertes contra los Tepehuanes, matando y prendiendo can-
tidad dellos, y dexando castigados algunos de los Pueblos de los xiximes
por averse al^ado y confederado con ellos.

Embio orden al capitan de Cinaloa Domingo Martinez de Urdaide,
que dista de Guadiana 150 leguas, para que dexando puesto buen recaudo
en aquellas Provincias saliesse a tomar el rostro a los Tepehuanes, cuya
serrania se esta mirando con Cinaloa por la parte del Poniente, empeco
a poner en efecto esta orden el dicho Capitan y fue tan conocida la tur-
bacion de los Yndios de Cinaloa particularmente de los Pueblos vezinos
a Tepehuanes, que hubo de tomar acuerdo en contrario y quedarse aguar-
dar aquello que esta a su cargo. Todavia hizo Justicia el dicho Capitan
de mas de 60 cabegas, y aunque muchos de aquellos Yndios se han decla-
rado y acometido a nuestros pueblos, ha sido con poco dano, por hallarnos
prevenidos.

En este tiempo avia saltado el fuego en algunos Pueblos del mar del
Sur pertenecientes al govierno de la audiencia de Guadalaxara y tenido
aviso y demanda de la dicha audiencia, en que se le pedia al Governador
socorro, no se quiso fiar de otro que de si mismo, y assi aprestandose por
Mar<;o de 617 para esta Jornada con razonable numero de soldados espa-
iioles y algunos Yndios amigos, partio a 22 del dicho mes, encaminose
primeramente a Chiametla por quietar de camino aquella Provincia donde
tambien se avian alcado muchos Pueblos fue menester poner mucha dili-
gencia para buscarlos principalmente a los Yndios que llaman del Rincon
de Zamora por ayudarles mucho la f ragosidad de la tierra y ser necessario
baxar casi a gatas parte del camino y parte descolgandose con sogas sin
poder entrar bestias, ni aun hombres del todo armados : al fin aunque con
trabajo grande recabo el Governador la pacificacion de aquellas gentes.
Desde alii fue a los Pueblos de la Galicia y socorrio el presidio de Acapo-
neta que.le avian quemado el lugar y ahuyento a los enemigos de modo
que en virtud desta Jornada se asseguro aquella tierra y el effecto lo ha
mostrado, pues despues aca no ha avido rumor de enemigos y la audiencia
de Guadalaxara hizo por ello muy grandes gracias al Governador y volvio
de chiametla a Guadiana de ai a cinco meses largos. Tambien el factor
Rafael de Gascue no se descuido en solicitar el socorro que se pedia al
Virrey de la Nueva Espana, antes fue en persona a la ciudad de Mexico,

The Tepehaanes, 1616-1618 109

fled. Sixty Tepehuanes were killed, and the prisoners, including women
and boys, numbered 220 persons. These were taken, chained together, to
Guadiana on March 4.

Meanwhile, the affairs of war of the kingdom and the defense of
Guadiana remained in charge of the lieutenant-general, Rafael de Gascue,
who defended the place very well. Four or five days after the governor
had left Guadiana the Tepehuanes considered that the lieutenant-general
was practically alone in the place because the governor had gone away
with almost all the men. They therefore convoked some 200 Indians, a
number which they thought would be sufficient to take the place and
destroy it. So they came with great secrecy to a place called El Tunal,
about a league from this villa. The lieutenant-general heard of this and
not wishing to await them in the settlement, sent in search of them
Captain Gonzalo Martin de Soria with fifteen companions, with the orders
which they were to follow. They marched half the night, going around
four leagues in order to come upon them from behind, and at dawn
attacked with spirit some sixty Indians who were going in advance, recon-
noitring. At the first shots two of their captains who were leading them
fell, which filled the others with so much fear that they turned about and
fled, many of them breaking their legs as they fell down the rocks. Their
right hands were brought to Guadiana, where the soldiers were very well
received, since the victory had relieved the town from the danger which
threatened it.

On March 4, as has been said, the prisoners arrived at Guadiana, and
on the next day, the fifth, their camp was placed about a league distant
at a place which they call Pacheco. The prisoners were sentenced and
apportioned. Here orders were given concerning what the other captains
had to do in the other parts of the government, where revolts had been
declared. Captain Bartolome Juarez, captain of the presidio of San
Hipolito, among the Xiximes, was ordered to go on a campaign by way
of the Tepehuane towns to the west of Guadiana. He set out at once in
compliance with this order, and had some successful encounters with the
Tepehuanes, killing and capturing a number of them, and punishing some
of the towns of the Xiximes for having revolted and confederated them-
selves with the Tepehuanes.

An order was sent to Diego Martinez de Urdaide,28 the captain of Sina-
loa, 150 leagues from Guadiana, to leave a strong detachment in those
provinces and go out to meet the Tepehuanes whose mountain range over-
looks Sinaloa on the west. The said captain began to put this order into
effect, but the disturbance of the Indians of Sinaloa was so evident, par-
ticularly among the towns neighboring upon the Tepehuanes, that he had
to take contrary counsel and await developments in the territory which
was under his charge. Still, this captain executed justice on more than
sixty persons, and although many of those Indians have declared war and
attacked our towns, the damage has been slight, because we were well
forewarned.

During this time the fire of revolt had sprung up in some of the towns
along the South Sea belonging to the government of the Audiencia of
Guadalajara.29 Being advised of this, and requested by the audiencia to

110 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

y trato que se conduxessen algunas companias Porque la gente que luego
embio el virrey desde Zacatecas y San Luis no era bastante ni con ellas
se podia seguir todo lo que estaba algado. Llego el sobredicho socorro,
que f ue de tres companias pagadas por ocho meses, de que vino por cavo
y comissario dellas el dicho fator Teniente de General en 22 de Setiembre
a Guadiana, do ya el Governador le esperaba y le distribuyo a los tres
capitanes y a los demas que avia por donde mas convino.

En esta sagon ya los enemigos, que hasta alii campeaban libremente se
yban retirando y se vino a entender que estaban repartidas y avnados m
en seis congregaciones o Juntas distantes muchas leguas unas de otras de
modo que venian a abragar toda la governacion, mezclados los Tepehuanes
con otras muchas naciones.

Al Capitan Bartolome Xuarez se le ordeno que tomasse a su cargo la
conquista del Mesquital y Guagamota y sus aliados, ha seis meses que
trabaxa en ella y ha tenido tres o quatro guagabaras con los Yndios
naturales de alii, en que le fue bien matando algunos. y ahorco doge dia
de Nuestra Sefiora de diciembre de 161 7. Aunque la ultima nueva que
del se tubo fue pidiendo socorro por decir que cargaban muchos enemigos ;
con todo se sabe que el Cacique mas principal, que se dize el Nayarita
Gentil trataba de amistad y que esto estaba En buen puento y que sera
parte que sus vezinos se vengan a componer.

Los Capitanes Hontiveros, Castaneda, y Aguirre an seguido la derrota
de Santa Barbara, assimismo con buen suceso, de muerte y prision de mu-
chos, y reduccion de algunos Pueblos, que tenian pervertidos los Tepe-
huanes y al presente han entrado al Valle que llaman de San Pablo, donde
se sabe que se an retirado muchos.

El Capitan Montafio se ha encaminado la via de Guanaiebi n acia la
quebrada que llaman del Diablo y a Tecuchiapa, donde mucha parte de
los principales culpados se han acogido ; no dexara de hazer buena hazi-
enda, porque en otras dos o tres occasiones ha tenido buena fortuna con
los enemigos.

El Capitan Mosquera ha tenido contra los Yndios que llaman Salineros
y contra otras dos naciones Conchos Tobosos y Nofioques, ha hecho dos
buenas presas en ellos, Justiciando algunos y reduciendo a otros.

El Governador assistio tres o quatro meses en la cabegera de su govierno
que es Guadiana disponiendo las cosas de la guerra en la forma dicha y
porque uno de los mas belicosos Capitanes de los Tepehuanes llamado
Gogojito despues de haver hecho muchos asaltos y grandes estragos en
los Ganados de la tierra, se avia puesto en cobro 40 leguas de Guadiana,
y se tenia por cierto que desde alii yba munendo nuevos tratos para re-
volver a su tiempo, dio traga que los Capitanes Soria y Tomas Garcia
despues de algunas buenas suertes que avian tenido por aca, reconociessen
los puertos, cumplieron con esta orden y llegados que fueron al parage,
donde el dicho Gogojito y su gente se avian empenolado, y haziendo su
quenta despues de aver tanteado el negocio hallaron que seria necessaria
mas fuerga para poder surtir algun efecto con aquella gente, que la que

111 This is obviously a miscopy for " armados ".
D Evidently a miscopy for " Guanacebi ".

The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 111

furnish help, the governor declined to place confidence in anyone save
himself; therefore, making preparations during March, 1617, for this
journey with a fair number of Spanish soldiers and some Indian allies,
he set out on the twenty-second of the same month. He first went to
Chiametla so to pacify that province on the way, for in it there had also
been many towns which had revolted. It was necessary to exercise great
diligence in finding the Indians, particularly those of the place called
El Rincon de Zamora, because the natives were favored greatly by the
roughness of the land, it being necessary to go down almost on all fours
over part of the road, in places even using ropes to let themselves down
into places where the animals could not enter, nor even men completely
armed. Finally, although with great labor, the governor accomplished the
pacification of those people. From there he went to the towns of [Nueva]
Galicia, and gave assistance to the presidio of Acaponeta, where the In-
dians had burned the village, and drove the enemy away. As a result of
this journey, the peace of that land was assured, as has been demon-
strated, for since that time there has been no rumor of enemies. The
Audiencia of Guadalajara thanked the governor profusely for this, and
he returned from Chiametla to Guadiana, whence he had gone some five
months before. Neither did the factor, Rafael de Gascue, neglect to urge
the aid which was asked for from the viceroy of New Spain; on the con-
trary he went in person to the city of Mexico and arranged to have some
companies brought, for the men whom the viceroy finally sent from
Zacatecas and San Luis were not sufficient for the pursuit of the entire
forces of the insurgents. This assistance, consisting of three companies,
paid for eight months, their leader and commissary being the factor and
lieutenant of the general, on September 22 reached Guadiana, where the
governor was already awaiting it. The governor distributed the three
captains and the rest of the men where they would serve the best purpose.

At this time the enemy, who until now had been campaigning exten-
sively, began to retire. It was learned that they had separated into six
armed congregations or groups, many leagues distant each from the other,
so that they had come to embrace the entire government, the Tepehuanes
having mingled with many other nations.

Captain Bartolome Juarez was ordered to take charge of the conquest
of the Mesquital, the Guazamota, and their allies. He has been engaged
in this task for six months, and has had three or four brushes with the
natives of those parts in which he was successful, killing a few. On the
day of Our Lady['s Conception] in December, i6i7,30a he hanged twelve
of them. Although the latest news of him was a plea for help, saying that
the enemy was pressing him seriously, nevertheless it is known that the
principal cacique, called the Nayarit Gentile, was treating for friendship
which was by way of being achieved, and that he was a person with whom
his neighbors would be likely to act in concert.

Captains Ontiveros, Castaneda, and Aguirre have worked toward
Santa Barbara, also with success, killing and imprisoning many, and re-
ducing some towns which had been perverted by the Tepehuanes, who
have now entered the valley called San Pablo, whither it is known that
manv of them have retired.

112 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

llevaban y assi solo pudieron matar quatro o cinco de los enemigos y aver
a las manos un negrillo que se avia ydo a ellos. Con este dieron la buelta
a Guadiana y el Governador se vio obligado a tomar esta Jornada por
suya y saliendo a ella por principio de Febrero de este afio de 618 dentro
de 15 dias de su salida caminando ya en cercanias de aquel parage de
noche y emboscandose de dia vino a caer el Tepehuan Gogojito en sus
manos, y pago con la muerte tantos desafueros como avia hecho. Con el
murieron algunos otros y dos primos suyos. Y el golpe de su gente que
estaba empenolada algo distante de alii, se pudo poner en fuga. Siguio
el Governador el alcance y aunque f ue sin effecto quanto a los Tepehuanes
desta parcialidad; pero fue lo muy copioso y en caso de mucha consid-
eracion, Porque movidos con la muerte de Gogojito Los Xiximes y Aca-
gees y otros Pueblos de naciones diferentes, que caian en aquella comarca,
se vinieron a rendir al Governador y assi : dexo asentados de paz a los
xiximes algados y a los otros pueblos que los favorecian, con lo qual ha
recebido toda la governacion muy grande alegria y esperanza que lo demas
se ha de facilitar en adelante. No llevo el Governador y su gente basti-
mento para mas de 25 dias, y aviendo tardado mas de 70 paso grande
hambre y penuria el campo, que mas de 40 dias no se comio sino carne
de caballos y de mulas. Baxo por las valles de Papasquiaro, Guatimape,
Terame, hechando quatro esquadras de gente por diferentes partes an
corrido la tierra y hecho algunas presas de importancia en particular
Junto a un puesto llamado Sombrerete, do se ahorcaron 6 Tepehuanes
viejos. y otros de menos edad Se truxeron presos en el Valle de San Julian
se mataron cinco Yndios de Coneto, que avian muerto dos negros Pastores
poco avia Junto a San Juan del Rio.

De oy mas pretende el Governador presidiar la tierra y asegurar los
caminos con escoltas, y que anden dos companias para lo que fuere menes-
ter y con esto ahorrar de gasto a su Magestad y acomodar las cosas en
forma conveniente.

Despues aca an venido de paz quatro o cinco Pueblos y un Yndio
Llamado Rafael movido de la muerte de Gogojito y particularmente por
aver visto el grande estrago que un animal del talle de Un tigre avia hecho
de algunos meses aca en un pueblo vezino a Guadiana, pidiendo miseri-
cordia con un cristo en las manos fue bien recebido, y ha offrecido yr a
traher de paz algunos otros de los alqados dexando en rehenes a su muger
y hijos. Fue y truxo algunos Caciques de diferentes pueblos y offrecen
asentarse de paz.

Este es el discurso que ha llevado La guerra y el estado que al presente
tiene hasta 16 de Mayo de 161 8.

The Tepehuanes, 1616-1618 113

Captain Montafio took the road toward Guanacebi, in the direction of
the pass called El Diablo, and toward Tecuchiapa, in which place many
of the principal offenders have taken refuge. He will not fail to do a
good job, because he has on two or three other occasions had good for-
tune with the enemy.

Captain Mosquera has operated against the Indians called Salineros
and two other nations, the Conchos Tobosos and the Nofioques. He has
effected two important captures among them, executing justice upon some
and reducing others.

The governor remained three or four months at the seat of his govern-
ment, Guadiana, arranging the affairs of the war in the manner described.
But inasmuch as one of the most warlike captains of the Tepehuanes,
Gogojito 81 by name, after committing many assaults and making great
ravages on the herds of the country, had gone into hiding forty leagues
from Guadiana, and inasmuch as it was considered certain that he was
there conducting negotiations to return when he thought wise, the gover-
nor planned that Captains Soria and Tomas Garcia, after some successful
actions in which they had engaged near here, should reconnoitre the
passes. They complied with the order, and when they reached the place
where Gogojito and his people had ensconced themselves among the rocks,
they judged, after having made a reconnaissance and compared notes,
that it would be necessary to have a larger force than what they had
before they could obtain any success against the Indians. They were,
then, able to kill only four or five of the enemy and to catch a little negro
who had gone with them. They therefore returned to Guadiana, where-
upon the governor was forced to take this task upon himself.

Setting out upon this task early in February of this year, 16 18, by
marching at night after he had, reached the vicinity of his destination and
going into ambush during the daytime, he brought it about within fifteen
days after his departure that the Tepehuan Gogojito fell into his hands,
and atoned with his death for all the outrages which he had committed.
With him died some others, among them two of his cousins. His people,
who were fortified among the rocks at a little distance from there, were
able to take refuge in flight. The governor pursued them, although with-
out effect as far as this body of Tepehuanes was concerned. Yet his labor
was very fruitful and of considerable importance, for, influenced by the
death of Gogojito, the Xiximes, Acaxees, and other towns belonging to
various nations living within that district, came to surrender to the gov-
ernor. Thus he left the Xiximes who had revolted, at peace, as well as
some other towns which had favored them. The entire government has
been made very joyful by all this, and by the hope that the remaining
situation will be easily adjusted in the future. The governor and his men
carried provisions for only twenty-five days, hence, having been out more
than seventy days, they suffered from great hunger and hardships, as they
had nothing to eat for forty days besides horse and mule flesh. He came
down by way of the valleys of Papasquiaro, Guatimape, and Terame,
dividing his troops into four parts, which have examined the country and
made some captures of importance. In particular, near a place called Som-
brerete, they hanged six old Tepehuanes; others of less age they took

114 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Provision Real Y Condacta de capitan de Ynfanteria de La ciudad de
Guadalaxara al Cappitan Geronimo Velasqnesz davilas.0 [162 1.]

Don felipe Por la gracia de Dios Rey de Castilla de Leon, etc. . . .
Por quanto en el libro sexto De la rrecopilacion Titulo sexto ley primera
Capitulo primero y diez En la segunda parte della tengo mandado que
en todos los lugares que tubieren mas de cien vecinos se haga alarde dos
beces en el ano y en la dicha ley se da el horden forma y manera que en
esto sea de guardar sobre la dicha rracpn, la qual vista por el dicho Don
Pedro de Otalora mi governador del mi nuevo Reyno de la Galicia y
presidente de mi Real audiencia que en el rreside y atento a aber tenido
algunas nuebas da aber alteraciones entre los yndios de la mi nueva Bis-
caya y que esta Ciudad de Guadalaxara este con la prebencion necesaria
por el Cuydado que se puede tener de los yndios chichimecos que cerca
della rresiden y para conservacion de la paz y que este la dicha Ciudad con
prebencion assi para su guardia y custodia como para socorrer las partes
que siendo necesario hubieren menester socorro Como cabeca del dicho
mi nuebo Reyno De la galicia En conformidad de las dichas Leyes y que
Conbendra hacer alarde y rresena de la gente y armas que en la dicha
ciudad hay Se acordo ser necesario nonbrar un cappitan debajo de cuya

0 A. G. L, 67-1-4. [On the outer page is the following:] Geronimo Velaszquez davila,
Cappitan de ynfanteria Espafiola, Veszino de la ciudad de guadalaxara en la nueba
espafia. So. Juan Ruisz de Contreras.

Alonso Rer. Carbebal, Supplica A Vuestra magestad Le mande dar Una su Real
cedula de Recomendacion, para que el Virrey, y demas ministros de Justicia, y de guerra,
que oy son, y adelante fueren, le ocupen, en los Cargos, que merece, guardandole los
honores, para lo qual ynterpone, servicios de diez y ocho anos, de Cappitan de ynfanteria
espafiola, ayudante de Sargento mayor, Alcalde mayor, Corregidor, y actualmente Lo es
Alcalde ordinario, y Cappitan, de la ciudad de Guadalaxara, etc.

Jeronimo Velasquez Ddvila, 1621 115

prisoners. In the valley of San Julian they killed five Indians of Coneto
who a short time previously had killed two negro shepherds near San
Juan del Rio.

From this time the governor expects to hold the territory by presidios
and to protect the roads by escorts, two companies being kept in service
for whatever may be necessary. By this means he will save expense to
his Majesty and accommodate affairs in the most convenient manner.

Recently four or five towns have come asking peace. One Indian named
Rafael, moved by the death of Gogojito, and especially by having seen
the great damage done by an animal of the size of a tiger some months
ago in a town near Guadiana, came pleading for mercy with a crucifix
in his hands. He was well received, and offered to go and bring back in
peace some of the insurgents, leaving as hostages his wife and sons. He
went, and brought back some chiefs of various towns, who offer to settle
down peacefully.

This is the course which the war had run, and the state in which it is
at present, May 16, 16 18.

Royal writ and commission to Captain Jeronimo Velasquez Ddvila as
captain of infantry of the city of Guadalajara* [1621.']

Don Felipe,32 by the grace of God king of Castile and Leon, . . .
Inasmuch as in the Recopilacion*3 book 6, title 6, law 1, chapters 1 and 10,
second part, I have ordered that in all the places having more than one
hundred residents a muster shall be made twice a year, and in the said law
is given the order, form, and manner that is to be observed in the said
registration, this being borne in mind by the licentiate Don Pedro de
Otalora,34 my governor of my new kingdom of Galicia, and president of
my audiencia which has its seat there, in view of having had news of
disturbances among the Indians of my Nueva Vizcaya, and in order that
this city of Guadalajara may have the necessary means for the precau-
tion that may be taken against the Chichimecos Indians who live near
there, and for the preservation of peace, and that the said city may be
prepared not only for its own guard and care, but also to succor the places
which in case of necessity have need of help from it as the capital of
my said new kingdom of Galicia, in conformity with the said laws, and
because it was desirable to have a muster and review of the people and
arms in the said city, it was agreed that it was necessary to appoint a

* [On the outer page is the following:] Jeronimo Velasquez Davila, captain of Spanish
infantry and resident of the City of Guadalajara, in New Spain. Secretary (?) Juan Ruiz
de Contreras.

Alonso Rer. (?) Carbebal begs your Majesty to order that he be given your royal
decree of recommendation that the viceroy, and the other ministers of justice and war,
who are now and in the future may be [in office], shall appoint him to the offices that he
deserves, securing to him the honors, for which he presents the services of eighteen years,
as captain of Spanish infantry, adjutant sargento mayor, alcalde mayor, corregidor, and
the service that he is now giving as alcalde ordinario and captain of the city of Guadalajara.

9

116 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

bandera se alisten todos los Vecinos y moradores estantes y abitantes En
la dicha ciudad de Guadalaxara y para acudir a todo que conbenga a mi
Real servicio y que esta sea persona pratica y de Ciencia y experiencia en
las cosas de Guerra y por que en la de bos El Cappitan Geronimo Belas-
quesz de Abila mi alcalde hordinario de la dicha ciudad Concurren las
partes y calidades que se rrequieren para el dicho efeto ya que abeis sido
tal mi Cappitan Otra besz en la ocasion de el algamiento de los yndios
Tepehuares p por el ano passado de mill y seiscientos y diez y siete por
nonbramiento que en bos higo El doctor alonso peresz Merchan mi Presi-
dente y Gobernador de el dicho ni nuevo Reyno de la Galicia En cuyo
conformidad lo Usastis En la dicha Ciudad de Guadalaxara y atendiendo
asimismo lo que me abeis servido En diferentes ocasiones Como fue en
el asalto de las fortalesas de el maluco Para cuya enpresa Venistes de
mis Reynos de Castilla con el maese de Campo Joan de esquibel y acabada
esta ocasion donde Como dicho es os hallastes Con licencia que tubistes
de mi gobernador don Pedro de Acufia y mi Real Audiencia que esta Y
rreside en las dichas yslas philipinas bolbistes a mis Reynos de la nueva
Espana Donde fuystes probeydo Por sargento de Una Conpania que se
arbolo para la habana y despues bolbistes a las dichas yslas filipinas Por
sargento de el cappitan Don diego de miranda y llegado a la ciudad de
manila serbistes en las ocasiones que se ofrecieron yendo de socorro se-
gunda bez Por alferez de el capitan Alonso de Palma Almirante de la
Armada y dicho socorro y tercera bez a las dichas yslas bolbistes de so-
corro con el gobernador don Juan de silba donde me serbistes en lo que
os fue ordenado y benistes Por ayudante de sargento mayor de las navios
que el dicho mi governador Don Joan de silba despacho para la dicha
nueba espana El ano de mill y seiscientos y once y fuystes probeydo Por
me alcalde mayor de las minas del Macapil y Cappitan de ynfanteria En
el presidio de acaponeta y asimismo fuystes probeydo Por mi alcalde
mayor de la ciudad y probincia de Conpostela Donde estando me sir-
biendo por horden y comision que para ello el dicho mi presidente y
gobernador os enbio fuistes a el socorro y abio de Una navio que benia
de las dichas yslas filipinas El ano pasado de mill y seiscientos y Veinte
y llego derrotada a el puerto de Tinto que es de donde Con vuestra ynte-
ligencia Cuydado y solicitud salio y paso a el puerto de acapulco para
donde venia dirigida y despues de esto Ultimamente por otra Comision
que el dicho mi presidente y gobernador os dio Fuystes por mi Justicia
mayor de las minas y Reales de hostotipaque llebandola asimesmo de
Juez de rresidencia para tomarla a Don gregorio Belasquez de mediano q
que acababa de ser mi alcalde mayor en aquellas minas de todo lo qual
distes buena y loable quenta como es notorio y esperando que lo Con-
tinuareis y llebareis adelante el dicho mi presidente y Gobernador acordo
que os debia de proveer a nombrar Como por la presente os probeo Elixo
y nombro por tal capitan para el dicho efeto En la dicha ciudad de Guada-
laxara para que como tal Useis y exergais El dicho oficio en todos los
casos y cosas a el pertenecientes Arbolando Bandera y Haciendo tocar

p Obviously a miscopy for " Tepehuanes ".
i This is probably a miscopy for " medrano ".

Jeronimo Velasquez Ddvila, 1621 117

captain under whose banner all the citizens, residents, settlers, and inhabi-
tants in the said city of Guadalajara might enlist to take part in all that
conduces to my royal service, and that he should be a practised person of
knowledge and experience in military affairs.

And since, in your person, Captain Jeronimo Velasquez de Avila,35 my
alcalde ordinario of the said city, are united the parts and qualifications
that are required for the said purpose, you having already been my captain
once before on the occasion of the uprising of the Tepehuanes Indians "
in the previous year of 16 17 through the appointment given you by
Doctor Alonso Perez Merchan,37 my president and governor of the said
new kingdom of Galicia, in accordance with which you practised it in the
said city of Guadalajara, and, bearing in mind also how you have served
me on different occasions, as for instance in the assault on the fortresses
of El Maluco,38 for which undertaking you came from my kingdoms of
Castile with the maese de campo, Juan de Esquibel, and this having
finished this work, in which, as has been said, you were engaged under
license from my governor Don Pedro de Acufia 39 and my royal audien-
cia, which has its seat in the said Philippine Islands, you returned to my
kingdoms of New Spain, where you were appointed sergeant of a com-
pany which was raised for Havana. Afterwards you returned to the
said Philippine Islands as sergeant for Captain Don Diego de Miranda,
and, having arrived at the city of Manila, you served on the occasions
that came up, going on a relief expedition a second time as alferez for
Captain Alonso de Palma, admiral of the fleet and of the said relief. And
a third time you returned to the said islands on relief with Governor
Don Juan de Silva,40 where you served me in whatever you were ordered
to do. You returned as adjutant sargento mayor of the ships which my
said governor, Don Juan de Silva, despatched to the said New Spain
in the year 161 1 ; you were appointed by me alcalde mayor of the mines
of Mazapil and captain of infantry at the presidio of Acaponeta; 41 and
you were also appointed by me alcalde mayor of the city and province of
Compostela,42 where, while you were serving me by the order and com-
mission which my said governor and president sent you for, you went
to the aid and relief of a ship which was coming from the said Philippine
Islands in the past year, 1620, and was driven into the port of Tinto,
from where, through your knowledge, care, and solicitude, she came out
and proceeded to the port of Acapulco, to which she was bound. After
this, finally, by another commission which my said president and gover-
nor gave you, you went as my chief justice of the mines and camps of
Hostotipaque, carrying also a commission as juez de residencia in order
to conduct the residencia of Don Gregorio Velasquez de Medrano, who
was just finishing his term as my alcalde mayor in those mines. In all of
the above you gave good and praiseworthy account, as is well known.
Hoping, therefore, that you will continue it in the future, my said presi-
dent and governor resolved that measures ought to be taken to name you,
as by these presents I do appoint, select, and name you, to the said cap-
taincy, for the said purpose, in the said city of Guadalajara, so that, as
such, you may use and exercise the said office in all the cases and affairs

118 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

caxa y Pifano y nombrando los oficiales que os pertenescan nombrar todo
bien y Cumplidamente Sin que os falte cosa alguna que para lo poder
exercer y usar os doy poder y facultad En forma qual de derecho se rre-
quiere y mando que todas las personas de la dicha ciudad de Guadalaxara
Vecinos y moradores estantes y abitantes en ella os ayan y tengan Por tal
Capitan y acudan a Vuestros llamamientos hordenes listas y mandami-
entos y os guarden y hagan guardar todas las gracias Exenciones, Preemi-
nencias y libertades que por la rrazon de el dicho officio os deben ser
guardadas bien y cumplidamente fecho en la ciudad de Guadalaxara a
diesz y siete dias del mes de abril de mil y seiscientos y Veinte y Un afios.

El Licenciado Don Pedro de Otalora.

E yo franzisco de cerbantes escribano de camara y gobernacion de
la Real audiencia del nuevo Reyno de la Galicia Por el Rey nuestro Sefior
La fice escribir Por mandado de su presidente y gobernador Registrada
El Bachiller Franzisco Costilla y Espinosa chanciller/

Papeles del Almirante Matheo de Vesga.9 [Gobernador y capitan general
de la provincia de Nueva Vizcaya. 14 de Deciembre de 1620 hasta
ip de Mayo de 162 2. ]

En la Villa de Durango en Veintte y ocho dias del mes de Abril de mill
y seyscienttos Y Veyntte y dos afios El Senor Almirantte mattheo de
Besga Governador Y Cappitan General deste Reyno Y Provincias de la
nueba Vizcaya Chiamettla Copala Y sinaloa Y sus Provincias Por su
Magestad dixo que para que Conste a Su Magestad Y Senores Presidentte

Y oydores deste Real Consejo de las Yndias el estado En que al presentte
esta este Govierno Y sus Provincias en lo tocantte a la quiettud y paz de
los Yndios della mandava y mando que yo el presente Escrivano de testi-
monio en rrelacion de las Pases que ante ssu senoria an echo los naturales
desta Governacion Y Confirmaciones dellas para que visto por su mages-
tad Y Senores de sus Reales Consejos provea y mande lo que mas con-
venga a Aser . . . Servicio Y asi lo Proveyo Y firmo matheo de Vesga
ante mi Luis Arrias de la Puentte escrivano de su magestad y
Governacion.

En cumplimientto de lo qual Yo el dicho Luis Arias de la Puentte
escrivano de su magestad Y mayor de Governacion Justicia Y Guerra en
este Reyno y Provincias de la nueba Vizcaya por el rrey nuestro Senor
doi f e y Verdadero Testimonio a su magestad del Rey don Phelipe quartto
nuestro Senor que Dios guarde muchos afios Y a los Senores Presidenttes

Y oidores de sus Reales Consejos de las Yndias Como El Senor Almi-
rantte mattheo de Vesga Governador Y Capitan General deste Reyno y
sus Provincias aviendo tornado Possecion del dicho Govierno y estando
Governando antte su Senoria Y ante mi Como tal escrivano se an fecho
las Pases Y Confirmaciones dellas en la manera siguientte.

r F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 6, 1914.
8 A. G. I., 67-1-4.

Mateo de Vesga, 1620-162 2 119

pertaining to it, raising a banner, causing a drum and fife to be played,
and naming the officials that it is your obligation to name, all full and
complete, with nothing lacking to you. I give you power and authority,
in required legal form, to do this, and I order that all persons in the said
city of Guadalajara, citizens, residents, settlers, and inhabitants of it,
shall have and hold you as such captain and shall answer to your calls,
orders, musters, and commands, and shall secure to you and cause to be
secured to you, all the grants, exemptions, preferences, and privileges that
by reason of the said office ought to be fully and completely secured to
you. Done at the city of Guadalajara, April 17, 162 1.

The licenciate Don Pedro de Otalora.

I, Francisco de Cervantes, clerk of the chamber and government of
the royal audiencia of the new kingdom of Galicia for our lord the king,
caused this to be written, by order of its president and governor. In-
spected by the bachelor Francisco Costilla y Espinosa, chancellor.

Papers of Admiral Mateo de Vesga, [governor and cap tain- general of
the province of Nueva Vizcaya. December 14, 1620, to May ig,
162 2. ,]

In the town of Durango, on the twenty-eighth day of the month of
April, 1622, the senor admiral, Mateo de Vesga,43 governor and captain-
general of this kingdom and the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Chiametla,
Copala,44 and Sinaloa, and their provinces, declared, for his Majesty, that
in order to make clear to his Majesty and to the president and oidores
of the royal Council of the Indies the present state of this government
and its provinces in the matter of the tranquillity and peace of its Indians,
he ordered and commanded that I, the present clerk, should give a sworn
statement concerning the peace pacts, and their confirmations, that were
made before his lordship by the natives of this government, so that, when
this is evident to his Majesty, and the members of his royal councils, he
may provide and order whatever may be fitting [for the royal] service.
Thus did Mateo de Vesga order; and he signed the order before me,
Luis Arias de la Puente, clerk of his Majesty and of government.

In fulfillment of this, I, the said Luis Arias de la Puente, clerk of his
Majesty and chief clerk of government, justice, and war in this kingdom
and [these] provinces of Nueva Vizcaya for our lord the king, make oath
and give true testimony to his Majesty, King Don Felipe IV.,45 our lord —
whom may God preserve for many years — and to the senores presidents
and oidores of his royal Council of the Indies, that after the senor ad-
miral, Mateo de Vesga, governor and captain-general of this kingdom
and of its provinces, had taken possession of the said governorship, and
while he was governing, the said peace pacts and their confirmations were
made before his lordship and before me as clerk, in the following manner :

It seems that in the town of Durango, on the fourteenth day of the
month of December, 1620, an Indian appeared before the said governor

120 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

En la Villa de durango en Cattorze dias del mes de diziembre de mill y
seiscienttos y Veintte anos Parese que antte el dicho Senor Governador
y Capitan General parecio un yndio que mediante Juan Rodrigues Espejo
Ynterprette deste Jusgado en lengua mexicana Y Castellana e un yndio
fabian natural del Pueblo de Santtiago que save la lengua tepeguana
Declararon llamose francisco onatte Capitan de los naturales del parttido
de San Pablo El qual Confirmo las pases que tenia asentadas Con ottros
Yndios sus Conpaneros y su senoria le Confirmo el tittulo que tenia de
tal Capitan Y le rrescivio en pas los quales Promettieron de la guardar Y
Cunplir segun La tienen asenttada.

Y en la dicha Villa de durango en dies y nuebe de diziembre del dicho
afio pareszieron don Juan torillo Governador del pueblo del zapo Y don
lorenzo Casique del Y don francisco Guanacivi fiscal Y don pedro Gover-
nador del Potrero y otros dies Yndios que con ellos Vinieron Y antte el
dicho Senor Governador Y Cappitan General mediantte el dicho Juan
rrodriguez espejo ynterprette Confirmaron las Pases que ttienen asentta-
das por si y sus Sugetos y del partido de Santiago Y santta Cattalina Y
su senoria los rrecibio en ella como los demas de suso.

Y asimismo parece que en esta Villa en beintte y dos dias del mes de
diziembre del dicho ano ante el dicho Governador y Cappitan General por
Juan Picagua yndio alcalde del Pueblo del Tunal ynterprete en lengua
tepeguana y mexicana Y el dicho Juan Rodriguez Espejo don Alonso
Casique de los Pueblos de las Milpillas Grandes y Francisco alcalde diego
y simon Yndios de las dichas Millpillas Confirmando las pases que tenian
asenttadas y su senoria los rrescivio en ellas.

Y en la dicha Villa de durango en Veynte y nuebe dias del dicho mes
de disziembre del dicho afio ante el dicho Senor Governador y Cappitan
General mediante los dichos Juan Picagua y Juan rrodriguez espejo Yn-
terprettes don Juan yndio Casique del pueblo de ayupa Con seis Yndios
sus sugettos asenttaron y confirmaron las pases que tenian asenttadas Y
el dicho Governador Y cappitan General les rrecivio en el despues de lo
qual en la dicha Villa en el dicho dia Veinte y nuebe de diziembre de mill
y seiscienttos Y Veintte anos ante el dicho Senor Governador y Capitan
General mediantte el dicho Juan rrodriguez espejo Yntterprette don mi-
guel Casique del Pueblo de las lajas con otros quatro Yndios sus sugetos
Confirmaron.

Y en este dicho dia el dicho Senor Governador y Capitan General
mediantte el dicho Yntterprete recivio de pas a don Juan Panttoja Casique
del Pueblo de Casaria Y sus Parcialidades Con dies yndios sus sugetos
las quales Confirmaron las que tenian dadas Y las dieron de nuebo y
asimismo parese que en esta dicha villa en dies y siete dias del mes de
enero del ano de mill y seiscienttos Y Veintte y uno El dicho Senor Gov-
ernador Y Capitan General mediantte francisco de los Reyes interprette
rrecivio de pas a don francisco Casique del pueblo de cocorotame Con
tres Yndios que dixeron no estar bautizados los quales Confirmaron las
pases que tenian asenttadas Y las dieron de nuebo.

Y estando las cosas en este estado Parese que en Veintte E nuebe dias
del dicho mes de Enero del dicho ano el dicho Senor Governador Y Capi-

Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 121

and captain-general. Juan Rodriguez Espejo, interpreter of this court
in the Mexican and Castilian languages, and an Indian, named Fabian.
native of the pueblo of Santiago, who knows the Tepeguane language,
declared that he called himself Francisco Onate, captain of the natives of
the district of San Pablo. He confirmed the peace pacts which he, with
the other Indians, his companions, had made. His lordship confirmed him
in the title which he held as said captain and acknowledged his acceptance
of the peace. They promised to keep and fulfill that to which they have
assented.

In the said town of Durango, on the nineteenth of December, of the
said year, appeared Don Juan Torillo, governor of the pueblo of El Zape;
Don Lorenzo, its cacique; Don Francisco Guanacivi, fiscal; and Don
Pedro, governor of El Potrero, and ten other Indians who came with
them. Before the said senor governor and captain-general, through the
said Juan Rodriguez Espejo, interpreter, they confirmed the peace pacts
which they had made, both for themselves, and for their subjects of the
district of Santiago and Santa Catalina. His lordship acknowledged their
acceptance of the peace as well as the others above-mentioned.

It also appears that in this town, on the twenty-second day of the month
of December, of the said year, before the said governor and captain-
general, through Juan Picagua — Indian alcalde of the pueblo of El Tunal,
and interpreter of the Tepeguane and Mexican languages — and the said
Juan Rodriguez Espejo, Don Alonso, cacique of the pueblos of Las
Milpillas Grandes, Francisco, alcalde, and Diego and Simon, Indians of
the said Millpillas, confirmed the peace pacts which they had made. His
lordship acknowledged their acceptance of them.

In the said town of Durango, on the twenty-ninth day of the said
month of December of the said year, before the said senor governor and
captain-general, through the said Juan Picagua and Juan Rodriguez
Espejo, interpreters, Don Juan, Indian cacique of the pueblo of Ayupa,
with six of his Indian subjects, affirmed and confirmed the peace pacts
which they had made, and the said governor and captain-general acknowl-
edged their acceptance of them. Afterwards, in the said town, on the
said twenty-ninth day of December of the year 1620, before the said
senor governor and captain-general, through the said Juan Rodriguez
Espejo, interpreter, Don Miguel, cacique of the pueblo of Las Lajas, with
four of his Indian subjects, confirmed [the peace pacts].

And on this said day, the said senor governor and captain-general,
through the said interpreter, acknowledged the acceptance of the peace by
Don Juan Pantoja, cacique of the pueblo of Casaria, and his allies, with
ten of his Indian subjects. They confirmed the peace pacts which they
had made and renewed them. It also appears that in this said town, on
the seventeenth day of the month of January, of the year 1621, the said
senor governor and captain-general, through Francisco de los Reyes,
interpreter, acknowledged the acceptance of the peace by Don Francisco,
cacique of the pueblo of Cocorotame, with three Indians who said they
had not been baptized. They confirmed the peace pacts which they had
made and renewed them.

122 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

tan General rrecivio Cartta que Parese averle Ynviado el Padre niculas
de Aranda de la Conpania de Jesus por la qual y por ottras Ccierttas Yn-
formaciones que parese rrescivio el dicho Senor Governador y Capitan
General de Padres de la Compania de Jesus Y de la orden de San Fran-
cisco Y de las Justicias de las minas de Yndio * y Guanacivi Y Valle de
San barttolome Provincia de Santta Barbora supo como los yndios tepe-
guanes del Valle de San Pablo Y San Ygnacio con algunos Yndios tarau-
mares se avian alzado Y Revelado Y dado en algunas estancias de la
dicha Provincia de Santta barbora Y muertto algunos espafioles E yndios
amigos echo rrobos E ynzendios en rragon de lo qual y para rremedio
dello Con mucha brevedad envio de socorro algunos Capitanes Y soldados
espafioles Y avistando el dicho alzamiento Y dafio que los dichos Revela-
dos aszian formo excerrcitto de capitanes y soldados espafioles E Yndios
amigos que havian de soldados Y Con el salio Personalmentte desta dicha
Villa en siguimientto de los dichos Revelados asta el valle de san Pablo
donde asentto el dicho su campo hallandole disiertto Sin jentte Y partte
de la Yglesia del dicho Valle Y algunos Jacales quemados Y teniendo no-
ticia que los dichos Yndios revelados se havian metido la tierra dentro
en la de los Taraumares y luego ottro dia de como llegue u su ssenoria al
dicho valle que fue en treyntta e uno de margo despacho al capitan fran-
cisco montafio de la Cueba maese de campo Con algunos capitanes E
partte del dicho su exercitto de los soldados Espafioles y ducienttos Yndios
amigos en busca de los dichos rrevelados Con ynstrucion de lo que avian
de asser y parese que en dies y ocho dias del mes de abril del dicho afio
el dicho maese de Campo bolvio Con los dichos sus Soldados e yndios
amigos al dicho Valle de san Pablo trayendo consigo honze yndios de
nacion taraumar Y entre ellos a don Juan Code que mediantte don Juan
de Olvios Principal de nacion Concha Ynterprette Jurado en lengua Cas-
tellana Concha y mexicana Y anbrosio Yndio Concho Ynterprette en
lengua taraumar dixo ser Rey de toda la nacion taraumar en cantidad de
quatro mil Yndios y rreconoselle por su rey y Senor los quales Y otros
dos Casiques llamados Don Pablo y don Francisco Casiques de rran-
cherias e de los dichos Taraumares Parese que asentaron Pases Con el
dicho maese de campo en la dicha entrada que Yzo en la tierra dellos Y
la confirmaron y asentaron de nuebo ante el dicho senor governador y
Capitan General prometiendo en ellas ayudar a los Espafioles Contra los
Yndios tepeguanes Revelados Y que guardaran Y se conserbaran en las
dichas pases Que no las quebrantaran en manera alguna y su ssenoria los
rrecivio en ella Y por Constar que los dichos Revelados estaban metidos
mui la tierra adentro de los dichos taraumares Y mas adelante Y no
poderse seguir rreformo los dichos Yndios amigos mandandoles Pagar
el tiempo que avian servido y por evitar muchos gastos y que la tierra se
aseguro Salio Con su excercito Y Campo de espafioles y Con ellos Vino
al Valle de San bartolome Provincia de Santa barbora donde repartido
algunos Capitanes Y Soldados dandoles Ynstruccion donde avian de
acudir Y orden de lo que avian de hazer y con el demas campo que quedo

1 This is evidently a miscopy for " Ynde ".
u Evidently a miscopy for " llego ".

Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 123

While things were in this state, it appears that on the twenty-ninth day
of the said month of January, of the said year, the said sefior governor
and captain-general received a letter which Father Nicolas de Aranda,
of the Company of Jesus, seems to have sent to him. Through it, and
through certain other information which it appears the said sefior gover-
nor and captain-general received from padres of the Company of Jesus
and of the Order of Saint Francis, and from the justices of the mines of
Inde, Guanacebi, and Valle de San Bartolome, in the province of Santa
Barbara, he learned that the Tepeguanes Indians of the valley of San
Pablo y San Ygnacio, with some Taraumares Indians, had risen in re-
bellion, had fallen upon some farms of the said province of Santa Bar-
bara, had killed some Spaniards and friendly Indians, and had committed
robbery and arson. In consequence of this and to remedy it as soon as
possible he sent, as aid, some captains and Spanish soldiers. And noting
the said uprising and the damage which the said Indians were doing, he
formed an army of captains and Spanish soldiers and such friendly
Indian soldiers as there were, and with it he went out in person from
this town in pursuit of the said rebels as far as the valley of San Pablo,
where he pitched camp, finding it deserted, without people, and part of
the church of the said valley and some huts burned.

Hearing that the said rebellious Indians had gone inland to the country
of the Taraumares, immediately, on the next day after his lordship ar-
rived at the said valley, which was on the thirty-first of March, he des-
patched Captain Francisco Montano de la Cueba, maese de campo, with
some captains, and a part of the said army of Spanish soldiers, and two
hundred friendly Indians in search of the said rebels, with instructions
as to what they were to do.

It appears that on the eighteenth day of the month of April, of the
said year, the said maese de campo returned with the said soldiers and
friendly Indians to the said valley of San Pablo, bringing with him eleven
Indians of the Taraumare nation, among them Don Juan Code, who,
through Don Juan de Olvios-, chief of the Concha nation and sworn in-
terpreter in the Castilian, Concha, and Mexican languages, and Ambrosio,
a Concho Indian and interpreter in the Taraumare language, declared that
he was king of all the Taraumare nation, numbering 4000 Indians, and
that it recognized him as its king and lord. These and two other caciques,
named Don Pablo and Don Francisco, caciques of rancherias and of the
said Taraumares, made peace pacts, it seems, with the said maese de
campo on the said expedition that he made into their land. This they
confirmed and renewed before the said sefior governor and captain-
general, promising at the time to aid the Spaniards against the Tepeguane
rebels, and that they would keep and preserve the said peace pacts and not
break them in any manner. And his lordship acknowledged their accep-
tance of the peace. As it was apparent that the said rebels were far within
the country of the said Taraumares and even further, and that it was
not possible to follow them, he discharged the said friendly Indians, order-
ing them to be paid for the time that they had served. In order to avoid
great expense and because the country had been made safe, he set out
with his army and camp of Spaniards and with them advanced to the

124: Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Vino Visitando su ssefioria los Pueblos y Rancherias de los yndios tepe-
guanes que estavan de pas en esta Gobernacion Y Con ellos Confirmo las
pases que tenian asentadas Y a rrecivir de nuebo en ellas como consta
de los asienttos que en rracpn dello se hizieron que son las siguienttes.

Paresze que en el pueblo del zape jurisdicion de las minas de Guanacevi
en trese de mayo del dicho ano de mill y seiscientos Y Veinte y uno el
dicho Sefior Governador y Cappitan General Visitto el dicho pueblo E
yso Junttar a ttodos los Yndios E yndias del y con ellos confirmo las
pases que tenian dadas y asientto de nuebo los quales Promettieron de las
Guardar y cumplir y no las Quebrantaran en manera alguna despues de
lo qual aviendo llegado El dicho Sefior Governador Y Capitan general
al pueblo de Sanctta Catalina en trese dias del dicho mes del dicho ano
Salieron a rrecivir al dicho Sefior Governador don lucas Yndio principal

Y Governador del dicho pueblo Con los yndios e yndias del los quales le
llebaron a la Yglesia del y estando Junttos en ella confirmaron las pases
que tenian asenttadas Y de nuebo las asenttaban e promettieron de las
guardar y cumplir.

Despues de lo qual Parese que en dies y siette dias del mes de mayo del
dicho aiio llego el dicho Sefior Governador Y capitan general al pueblo de
Sanctiago Papasquiarron le ssalieron a rrecivir en buena horden Los
Yndios e Yndias del Chicos y Grandes e los hizo Junttar en la Yglesia del
dicho Pueblo donde confirmaron las pases que tenian asenttadas y de
nuebo las asentaron promettiendo de las guardar y Cumplir.

En el pueblo de Capinamaiz Juridicion del Valle de San Juan del rrio
en beintte dias del dicho mes de mayo aviendo llegado su ssefioria del
dicho Sefior Governador Y Capitan General al dicho Pueblo hizo Junttar
todos los Yndios e yndias del Y su Governador don baltazar Y don fran-
cisco su alcalde donde asimismo estaban Y se Juntaron Don Juan Gover-
nador del pueblo de las millpillas Y don tomas del Pueblo de la zauzeda

Y miguel su alcalde Y baltasar Governador del pueblo de Canattan Con
los Yndios de los dichos Pueblos Y estando todos los dichos Yndios
Junttos Y congregados a la puertta de la Yglesia del dicho Pueblo de
Capinamaiz asentaron de nuebo y confirmaron las pases que tenian dadas
y Prometieron de las guardar y cumplir.

Despues de lo qual Parese que en esta Villa [de Durango] En Veintte
y siete de mayo del dicho ano ante el dicho sefior Governador y Capitan
General paresieron Cinco Yndios El uno llamado Jacobo de nacion tobosa

Y el otro llamado Cristoval Yndio Principal de la dicha nacion hi jo de
don jusepe Governador Y Casique de la dicha nacion tobosa los quales
mediantte lengua de frai alonso de oliba de la horden de sefior San fran-
cisco dixeron que ellos y los Yndios Nonoties Achaclame y Xipocale avian
bajado de pas al pueblo de atotonilco a senttar las pases en nonbre de
ttodos los demas y que avian de bajar a la siega del Valle de San bar-
tolome y que avian Venido a dar quentta de lo susodicho al dicho Sefior
Governador y Capitan General Y Visto por su ssefioria los rrecivio de pas
en nonbre de su magestad Y mando dar mandamientto de amparo para la
justicia del dicho Valle les hiziezen buen tratamientto y pagasen lo que
trabajasen.

Mateo de Vesga, 162 0-1622 125

valley of San Bartolome, province of Santa Barbara, where he divided
off some of the captains and soldiers, giving them instructions as to where
they were to go and orders as to what they were to do. With those that
remained his lordship advanced to visit the pueblos and rancherias of the
Tepeguanes Indians, who were at peace in this government, and to ac-
knowledge anew their acceptance of the peace pacts. He confirmed with
them the peace pacts which they had made. All of this appears from the
memoranda that were set down in regard to it, which are as follows :

It appears that in the pueblo of El Zape, jurisdiction of the mines of
Guanacebi, on the thirteenth of May, of the said year of 1621, the said
senor governor and captain-general visited the said pueblo and caused all
the Indians, men and women, to assemble and with them he confirmed the
peace pacts which they had made and renewed them. They promised to
keep and fulfill them and not break them in any manner. Afterwards,
the said senor governor and captain-general having arrived at the pueblo
of Santa Catalina, on the thirteenth day of the said month of the said
year, Don Lucas, Indian chief and governor of the said pueblo, with the
Indian men and women, came out to meet the said senor governor and
took him to the village church. Being all assembled there, they confirmed
the peace pacts which they had made, affirmed them anew, and promised
to keep and fulfill them.

After this it appears that on the seventeenth day of May, of the said
year, the said senor governor and captain-general arrived at the town of
Santiago Papasquiaro. The Indian men and women, children and adults,
went out in good order to receive him, and he caused them to assemble
at the church of the said pueblo, where they confirmed the peace pacts
which they had made and they affirmed them anew, promising to keep
and fulfill them.

At the pueblo of Capinamaiz, jurisdiction of the valley of San Juan
del Rio, on the twentieth day of the said month of May, his lordship, the
said governor and captain-general, having arrived at the said pueblo,
caused to assemble all the Indian men and women in it and their governor,
Don Baltasar, and Don Francisco, their alcalde. There, present also, and
assembled, were Don Juan, governor of the pueblo of Las Milpillas;
Don Tomas, of the town of La Sauceda, and Miguel, its alcalde; and
Baltasar, governor of the pueblo of Canatan; together with the Indians
of the said pueblos. All of the said Indians having assembled at the door
of the church of the said pueblo of Capinamaiz, they renewed and con-
firmed the peace pacts which they had made, and promised to keep and
fulfill them.

After this, it appears that in this town [of Durango] on the twenty-
seventh of May of the said year, before the said senor governor and
captain-general, there appeared five Indians, one named Jacobo, of the
Toboso nation, and another called Cristobal, Indian chief of the said
nation, and son of Don Jusepe, governor and cacique of the said Toboso
nation, who, through the language of Fray Alonso de Oliba, of the Order
of Saint Francis, declared that they and the Nonoties, Achaclame, and
Xipocale Indians had come down in friendship to the pueblo of Ato-
tonilco to arrange the peace pacts in the name of all the others ; that they

126 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Y parese que despues de lo susodicho en esta Villa [de Durango] en
dies y seis dias del mes de henero de mill y seiscientos y Veintte y dos
anos antte el dicho Senor Governador y Cappitan General parecio Un
yndio llamado don Juan negritto Casique y Governador de los tepeguanes
que llaman los negrittos que estan rrancheados en los terminos de las
minas de mapemi Y dixo que por si e los demas de sus parcialidades dava
la pas Y obediencia a su magestad y a su ssefioria en su nonbre la qual
dava por aver savido Con quantta Prestega y Puntualidad acudia a las
sierras Y otras parttes a rremediar las rrevelliones Y delittos que los
Yndios an echo asi por su persona Como con Capitanes que a ynviado Y
Visto por su ssefioria los rrecivio en ella en nonbre de su magestad y
promettio el dicho Yndio de la guardar y cumplir y no la quebranttar en
manera alguna.

Despues de lo sussodicho parece que en esta villa [de Durango] en
seis de marco deste presentte ano ante el dicho Senor Governador y Capi-
tan General Paresio Un Yndio llamado el xixicutta de la nacion Tepe-
guana Y mediantte mattheo Canelas Ynterprette dixo ser Yndio belicoso

Y uno de los Capitanes y Cavesa de los tepeguanes rrebelados Contra la
Real Corona Y dixo que el Como tal Capitan y Cavesa dellos a quatro
anos questa rretirado En la zierra Y que no a osado bajarse de temor Por
ser de las cavesas de los dichos Yndios asta que el senor Governador
quando vino de la Jornada que Yqo contra los revelados Y asentto las
pases con los taraumares Le ynvio a llamar de pas Y enviandole bandera

Y Promesa de le perdonar con los que con el se bajasen Con lo qual se
consolo mucho Porque arrenpenttido de lo echo estaba aguardando Seme-
jantte ocasion y luego que rrecivio la dicha Vandera Con la dicha Pro-
mesa bajo de la zierra con quattro yndios Y Viene a presencia de su
ssefioria de pas Y pidio Y ssuplico le rrecibiesse en ella en nombre de su
magestad que promete de la Guardar e cumplir Y de baxar los demas
yndios que estan rretirados de su parzialidad y estan debaxo de la obedi-
encia de su magestad Como antes lo estaban Guardando las hordenes Y
lo que su ssefioria les mandare Y Visto por su ssefioria los rrecivio de pas

Y rremittio los delittos que avian echo.

Despues de lo qual parese que en esta villa [de Durango] en onze de
abril del dicho ano de mill y seiscienttos y Veintte y dos anos ante el dicho
Senor Governador y cappitan General parecio Un yndio llamado Cocani
Governador y casique del Pueblo de guaricame de los Yndios de la nacion
Umes Y con el Vinieron Cantidad de Veintte yndios de la dicha nacion

Y dixo Venir de su tierra solamentte confirmar las pases que tiene dadas
pidio en ellas fuese rrecivido Y su ssefioria le rrecivio al dicho Gover-
nador e yndios sus Sugettos en las dichas pases Y les confirmo en ellas.

En la dicha Villa de durango en Veintte y ocho de abrill del dicho
ano ante el dicho Senor governador Y capitan General parecio otro yndio
llamado Christoval hi jo de don pedro Casique del Pueblo de San Fran-
cisco del Mesquittal Y alcalde del pueblo nuebo llamado San francisco de
ocatan el qual truxo consigo ocho yndios sus sugetos el qual mediantte
Ynterprete dixo que ellos por averse Revelado en el alzamientto General
pasado por miedo y temor no v se les hiziese algun castigo asta aora no

v Obviously a mistake for " que ".

Mateo de Vesga, 162 0-1622 127

had to come to gather the crops in the valley of San Bartolome; and
that they had come to give account of the aforesaid to the said senor
governor and captain-general. In view of this, his lordship, in the name
of his Majesty, acknowledged their acceptance of the peace, and ordered
that a writ of protection should be given to the court of justice of the
said valley in order to insure them good treatment, and pay for their work.

And it appears that after the aforesaid, in this town [of Durango]
on the sixteenth day of the month of January, 1622, before the said senor
governor and captain-general, there appeared an Indian named Don
Juan, negrito cacique, and governor of the Tepeguanes — they call negritos
those who are settled in the vicinity of the mines of Mapimi — and he
said that for himself, and the rest of his allies, he was making peace and
submitting to his Majesty and to his lordship, in his name. He was doing
this because he had learned with what swiftness and promptness he [the
governor] hurried to the sierras and other places to suppress the rebel-
lions and crimes which the Indians had committed against his own per-
son, as well as against the captains whom he had sent. In view of this,
his lordship, in the name of his Majesty, acknowledged their acceptance
of the peace, and the said Indian promised to keep and fulfill it and not
to break it in any manner.

After the aforesaid, it appears that in this town [of Durango] on the
sixth of March, of the present year, before the said senor governor and
captain-general, there appeared an Indian named El Xixicutta, of the
Tepehuane nation. And through Mateo Canelas, interpreter, he said that
he was a warlike Indian and one of the captains and chiefs of the Tepe-
huanes who was in rebellion against the royal crown. And he said that he,
being captain and chief, had retired four years ago into the sierra, and
that he had not dared, through fear, to come down — because he was one
of the chiefs of the said Indians — until the senor governor, when he came
on the expedition which he made against the rebels and made peace pacts
with the Taraumares, sent to summon him in friendship, sending him a
banner and a promise to pardon him, and those who should come down
with him. With this he was greatly consoled, for, repentant of what he
had done, he was awaiting such an occasion, and as soon as he received
the said banner with the said promise, he came down from the sierra with
four Indians, and comes into the presence of his lordship in friendship.
He begged and prayed, in the name of his Majesty, that his acceptance
of the peace should be acknowledged. He promises to keep and fulfill it;
[and says] that the other Indians who had separated from their band
would come down; that they are under the obedience of his Majesty as
they were formerly; and that they were obeying the orders and com-
mands of his lordship and whatever he might order. In view of this his
lordship acknowledged their acceptance of the peace and pardoned them
of the crimes that they had committed.

After this, it appears that in this town [of Durango], on the eleventh
of April, of the said year of 1622, before the said senor governor and
captain-general, there appeared an Indian named Cocani, governor and
cacique of the pueblo of Guaricame, of the Indians of the Umes nation.
With him came as many as twenty Indians of the said nation. He said

128 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

se atrevido a bajar de la sierra Y confiados de su ssenoria que como tan
christiano les a de faborecer y anparar Se an bajado y poblado el pueblo
nuebo llamado san francisco de ocatan Con sesentta Yndios E yndias
Chicos y Grandes y Vienen antte su ssenoria a dar la paz Y obediencia a
su magestad a quien suplican los rreciva en ella perdonandoles el delitto y
Culpa que an Cometido que el por si Y en nonbre de sus sugettos promette
de la Guardar Cumplir y no la quebranttar en manera alguna Y su ssenoria
de misercordia en nonbre de su magestad les perdonaba y rrecivia Y les
yso saver que si la Guardaren los anparara y Defendera de sus enemigos

Y si la quebrantaren los castigara a fuego y sangre los quales dixeron
que elle guardaran cumpliran como tienen dicho.

Despues de lo qual Parece que se le rremittio a el dicho Seiior Gover-
nador y Capitan General unos autos originales que parecen averse echo
Por el capitan francisco de Castro alcalde mayor de las minas de Guana-
cevi Por los quales consta que en las dichas minas y otras de fuera del se
avian ynformado de que don Pedro y don lorenzo Yndios casiques de los
pueblos del zape Y potrero falttaban de aquella Jurisdicion y se entendia
se avian ydo a ver Con el Capitan Mattheo Canelas mestizo y Corrido
bos de que los yndios de aquellas provincias andan en ttatoles w Con animo
de lebantarse Contra la real corona Y elexir por su Rey y Cavesa al dicho
matteo Canelas Y que por su facilidad se puede creer qualquier cosa
dellos para rremedio de lo qual Parece hiso junta de algunos Capitanes

Y personas haspertas x en seme j antes Casos por dezir estar zerca de aquella
jurisdicion El yndio ofiate rrevelado Y alzado muchos dias avia Con
ttodos los Yndios de su parcialidad Y en la dicha Juntta parece decretto
que en el dicho Real se biviesse con ttoda Prevencion y cuidado por la
poca satis facion que se tiene de los yndios Tepeguanes Y que se Yziesen
las delijencias Pusibles para la llamar de paz al Yndio ofiate y los de su
parcialidad por convenir asi al servicio de dios nuestro seiior y de su
magestad y que se le diese en su nonbre la paz y parece que con dos yndios
llamados Geronimo y bartolome del pueblo de san Simon les ynviaron al
dicho ofiate una bandera de tafetan encarnado en medio della una Ymajen
de nuestra sefiora del rrosario a la zerrania que llaman del Carnu y donde
avia noticia estaba al qual dixesen que el dicho alcalde mayor le llamaba
de paz Y que le dava seguro que si benia a su presencia le Perdonaria
todos los delitos que avia cometido asta el dicho dia Y se Capitularia la
paz como Conbeniese al servicio de dios nuestro sefior y de su magestad
y parece que en las dichas minas en Veintte y siette dias del dicho mes de
abrill ante el dicho alcalde mayor pareziesron los dichos dos yndios con el
dicho don francisco ofiate con la dicha Vandera que le avian entregado Y
con don pedro Casique del dicho Pueblo de san simon Y en las casas la
morada del dicho alcalde mayor con el dicho don francisco ofiate Y dos
hijos que consigo traia Llamados el uno don Juseppe ofiate Y el otro don
Juan ofiatte en presencia del padre frai miguel Gutierrez de la orden de
san Augustin Cura y bicario del dicho rreal Y el Padre Juan de sanguesa

w Tatole is a Mexican word for agreement or conspiracy. — C. W. H.
x Obviously an old or corrupt form for " expertas ".
r Or " Carme ".— F. R. B.

Mateo de Vesga, 162 0-1622 129

that he came from his country solely to confirm the peace pacts which he
had made, and asked that his acceptance of them should be acknowledged.
And his lordship acknowledged the acceptance by said governor and his
Indian subjects of the said peace pacts and confirmed them in them.

In the said town of Durango, on the twenty-eighth of April of the said
year, before the said governor and captain general, appeared another
Indian named Cristobal, son of Don Pedro, cacique of the pueblo of San
Francisco del Mesquital, and alcalde of the new pueblo called San Fran-
cisco de Ocatan. He brought with him eight of his Indian subjects.
Through an interpreter he said that they, having rebelled in the past gen-
eral uprising, through fear that some punishment might be inflicted upon
them, had not dared up to now to come down from the sierra, but, trust-
ing that his lordship, as a Christian, would favor and protect them, they
had come down and settled the new pueblo called San Francisco de Oca-
tan, with sixty Indians — children and adults — and now they come before
his lordship to make peace with and give obedience to his Majesty, whom
they begged to acknowledge their acceptance of the peace, and pardon
them for the crime and fault that they had committed. And he [Cristobal] ,
for himself and in the name of his subjects, promised to keep and fulfill
the peace and not break it in any manner. In pity, his lordship pardoned
them, in the name of his Majesty, and received them, and gave them to
understand that if they would keep it, he would protect and defend them
against their enemies, but if they broke it he would punish them with fire
and blood. They said they would keep and fulfill it, as they have said.

After this it appears that there were transmitted to the said senor
governor and captain-general some original antos, which appear to have
been made by Captain Francisco de Castro, alcalde mayor of the mines
of Guanacebi, from which it is evident that at the said mines and others
outside of it news had been had that Don Pedro and Don Lorenzo,
caciques of the pueblos of El Zape and Potrero, had disappeared from
that district, and it was understood that they had gone to meet Captain
Mateo Canelas, half-breed, and there was a rumor that the Indians of
those provinces were getting up a conspiracy with the object of rebelling
against the royal crown and electing for their king and chief the said
Mateo Canelas, and that, since they are easily influenced, anything may be
believed of them. To remedy this a junta was called of some captains
and persons experienced in such affairs. As it was said that the Indian
Onate, who had been in revolt for many days with all the Indians of his
band, was near that district, in the said junta a decree was issued that
every precaution should be taken in the said camp, because of the slight
confidence that was felt among the Tepeguanes Indians, and that all
possible efforts should be taken to induce the Indian Onate and those of
his band to make peace, as the service of our Lord God and his Majesty
requires, and that peace should be offered him in his name.

It appears that they sent to the said Onate, by two Indians named
Jeronimo and Bartolome, of the pueblo of San Simon, a banner of crim-
son taffeta silk, bearing in the centre a picture of Our Lady of the Rosary.
[This was sent] to the mountain range called El Carnu, where notice
was had that he was. They were to tell him that the said alcalde mayor

130 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

rrector del pueblo del zape Y el padre martin larios de la Compania de
Jesus Y el Capitan Gonzalo marttin diputtado Y otros capitanes El dicho
don francisco Ofiate Aviendo fecha rrelacion diziendo El estava apesa-
rado y arrapenttido de los delittos Comettidos Contra la real Corona a
quien rreconocia Por Su Rey Y Senor Viene a ofrecer Y dar por si E por
los Yndios de su Parcialidad perdonandole lbs Yerros Comettidos en la
qual El dicho alcalde mayor le rrecivio perdonandole los delittos que
avian Comettido Y con el asenttaron zierttas condiciones que el dicho don
francisco Ofiate Consinttio Como ttodo ello Consta por los dichos auttos
originates que estan en la causa que de oficio se sigue contra el dicho
Mattheo Canelas y asimismo Parese que en Cinco dias del mes de no-
biembre del afio passado de mill y seiscienttos y veintte y uno El Senor
Almirantte matheo de vesga Governador y capitan General deste Reyno
por auttos pronuncio dixo que el dicho dia llego a esta villa Un ynclio
llamado don matteo Y principal de nacion concha Con ottros yndios con
carttas del capitan Christobal Sanchez Tinientte de Justicia mayor y
Capitan a Guerra de la dicha provincia Y de los Vezinos del Valle de
San Bartolome de la dicha provincia Y con una ynformacion por do z
consto que avia ynviado la Justicia de la dicha provincia a don Alonso
yndio Casique de la dicha Provincia de la dicha nacion Concha la tierra
adentro a llamar Yndios Conchos para que fuesen a trabajar las labores
y haziendas del dicho valle como lo acostumbran cada ano y que aviendo
entrado llamado y junttado algunos yndios Y quiriendo bolverse a el
dicho Valle los que asi avia junttado se alzaron y rrevelaron flecharon E
yrieron al dicho Don Alonso Casique y le yzieron dies eridas de manera
que estubo en rriesgo de perder la Vida y los dichos Vezinos del dicho
valle se ofrecieron por sus carttas a entrar al Castigo de los delinquenttes
Personalmentte sin sueldo de su magestad con que de la Real hazienda se
les diese un barril de Polbora Y un cajon de erraje mular Y Caballar y se
les pague el rlette de una rrecua en que llevar bastimenttos para los Yndios
amigos que entraren al dicho Castigo o bajarlos Y senttarlos de paz Y
visto por su ssenoria Considerando quanto Ynporta la brevedad de que
se entre a la pricion Y Castigo de los delinquenttes Y asenttarlos de paz
porque si se dilatase estos se aunaran Y Juntaran Con otros Yndios asi
de su nacion Como de otras Y Podria rresultar algun alzamiento que
causase mui Gran dano a este Reyno Y mui grande Costa a la Real
Hazienda Y su ssenoria enbiase a su Excelencia del Senor Virrey a dar
quentta dello antes de poner en effeto en enviar orden para el dicho Cas-
tigo Y pacificacion Polbera Y lo demas que se pide en el Ynterin que se
va a la ciudad de mexico Y Viene della por estar Cientto Y cinquentta
leguas desta Villa con la dilacion Podra suseder el dicho alzamiento Y
para que se escusase y ubiese el acierto que Conviene al servicio de dios
nuestro senor y de su magestad bien y quietud de la dicha provincia dijo
Convenia se Yziese Juntta en la qual f uese don Juan de Zerbanttes Casaos
Caballero del orden de san francisco Y Contador mayor del tribunal de
quentas de la ciudad de mexico Y Juez Vizittador desta Real Caxa Y el
capitan Pedro de Carbajal tinientte de Governador en este reyno Y El

z A contracted form of " donde ".

Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 131

was offering them friendship and gave him assurance that if he would
come into his presence and submit to peace, as the service of our Lord
God and his Majesty required, he would pardon him for all the crimes
that he had committed up to the said day. It appears that at the said
mines, on the twenty-seventh day of the said month of April, before the
said alcalde mayor, the said two Indians appeared with the said Don
Francisco Ofiate, with the said banner that they had delivered to him.
With Don Pedro, cacique of the said pueblo of San Simon, at Las Casas,
the place of residence of the said alcalde mayor, the said two Indians
appeared with the said Don Francisco Ofiate and two of his sons that he
brought with him, one named Jusepe Ofiate and the other Don Juan
Ofiate. In the presence of the father, Fray Miguel Gutierrez, of the Order
of St. Augustine, curate and vicar of the said camp, and Father Juan de
Sanguesa, rector of the pueblo of El Zape, and Father Martin Larios, of
the Company of Jesus, and Captain Gonzalo Martin, deputy, and other
captains, the said Don Francisco Ofiate, having made a statement saying
that he was troubled and repentant for his crimes committed against the
royal crown, which he recognized as his king and lord, and that he comes
to offer and make [peace] for himself and the Indians of his band if
their errors should be pardoned, the said alcalde mayor acknowledged
his acceptance of peace and pardoned the crimes that they had committed.
In addition certain conditions were set down to which the said Don Fran-
cisco Ofiate consented. All of this appears in the original autos of the
case, which is being officially prosecuted against the said Mateo Canelas.

It also appears that on the fifth day of the month of November, of the
past year of 1621, the senor admiral, Mateo de Vesga, governor and
captain-general of this kingdom, in autos that he issued, declared that
on the said day there arrived at this town an Indian named Don Mateo,
chief of the Concha nation, with other Indians, bringing letters from
Captain Cristobal Sanchez, deputy chief justice and captain of war of
the said province and of the residents of the valley of San Bartolome of
the said province, with a report from which it is evident that the justice
of the said province had sent Don Alonso, Indian cacique of the said
province of the said Concha nation, to the interior country to summon
the Conchos Indians to come to work in the fields and farms of the said
valley, as they were in the habit of doing every year, but that after he
had entered and having called and assembled some Indians and wishing
to return to the said valley, those whom he had thus assembled rose up
and rebelled and shot arrows at the said Don Alonso, the cacique, and
wounded him in ten places, so that he was in danger of losing his life.

The said residents of the said valley offered in their letters to go in
person and punish the offenders without any pay from his Majesty,
except that from the royal exchequer there should be given them a barrel
of powder, a box of irons for shoeing mules and horses, and the expense
of a pack-train to carry provisions for the friendly Indians who should go
on the said punitive expedition to punish them or bring down the offenders
and establish them in peace. In view of this, his lordship, considering
how important it was to lose no time in the capture and punishment of
10

132 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

tesorero Juan de Ybarra Y el factor Y Beedor Raphael de Gascue Jueces
oficiales de la dicha Real Caja para que como esperimenttados en seme-
janttes Cosas de Guerra Cada uno diese su pareser de lo que mas Con-
viniese y parese que en seis dias del dicho mes de noviembre del dicho
ano se junttaron los de suso declarados Con el Senor Governador y Capi-
tan General en un aposentto de las Casas Reales desta villa y aviendoles
dado a entender cosa de suso rreferido y ley do el dicho autto de un
aquerdo y conformidad dixeron que eran de parescer que su sseiioria del
Senor Governador Cometa a Un Vezino de la dicha provincia Soldado Y
de Ynepiriencia la dicha entrada en busca y castigo de los dichos Yndios
delinquentes Castigue y asientte de pas los demas Yndios Pues los dichos
Vezinos se ofrecen a entrar sin sueldo de su magestad y que su entrada
fuese con brevedad anttes que agan Junttas y alzamienttos advirtiendo al
Capitan que hiziere la dicha entrada no se aga dafio a las mugeres e mu-
chachos porque demas de que se ara Castigo de los delinquentes se
siguiran dello muchos effetos del servicio de su magestad y que se les
diese y sacase del Real almacen y se enbiase al tan capitan Un Barril de
polbora para la dicha entrada Y que de los dichos seis mill pesos que
estan sittuados Para gastos de pas y Guerra en cada un aiio en este Reyno
se conprase un cajon de erraje Caballar y mular y se ynviasse para la
dicha entrada Y que se paguase El flette de una rrecua de treinta mulas
por tiempo de dos meses o menos si menos tiempo durare la Jornada para
llebar los bastimentos y que el dicho flete se pagase de los seis mill pesos
y esta ayuda de costa se las diese a las personas que entraren a la dicha
Jornada por quentta de su magestad.

Y parese que en ocho dias del dicho mes de noviembre se le entrego
a el alferez diego de Villar Vezino desta villa Un barril de Polbora que
con el barril peso Siete arrobas E trece libras Y un cajon con siete dozenas
de erraje las tres Caballar de a beintte y quatro erraduras cada dozena Y
las quatro asnales de a quarenta y ocho erraduras por dozena Y mill y
ochocienttos Clabos de errar y asimismo rrecivio la Comision e ynstru-
cion que en rragon dello su ssenoria dio al Cappitan Christoval Sanchez
tinientte de alcalde mayor de la dicha Provincia Para azer la dicha en-
trada Y todo se lo entregase a el dicho alferez diego de Villar Al dicho
Capitan Christoval Sanchez de que Yzo rrecivo en forma y Consta por
testimonio auttentico que en el valle de San Barttolome de la dicha Pro-
vincia en beynte y dos del dicho mes de noviembre Como el dicho Chris-
toval Sanchez rrecivio del dicho diego de Villar el dicho barril de polbora
Y el dicho cajon de errajes despues de lo qual Parese que usando de la
dicha comision el dicho Christoval Sanchez Y aviendose publicado se
alistaron Cantidad de Soldados espanoles despues de lo qual parese que
estando el dicho capitan Christoval Sanchez Con los dichos soldados bajo
del pueblo de San Francisco en Veintte y cinco dias de diziembre del
dicho ano de mill y seiscienttos Y Veintte y uno una legua el rrio aba jo
Yendo en prosecucion de la dicha entrada se le juntaron e ofrecieron de
yr con el a ella y servir de soldados en la dicha entrada asta ochentta y
cinco Yndios Casiques Governadores y Capitanes E yndios sus sugettos

a Probably a miscopy for " entregose ".

Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 133

the delinquents and establish them in peace, for if it should be delayed
they would join with other nations, not only of their own nation but also
of others, and an uprising might result that would cause great damage to
this kingdom and very great expense to the royal exchequer, and consider-
ing that [if] his lordship should send to give an account to his excellency,
the senor viceroy, before putting in effect an order for the said punish-
ment and pacification and the powder and the rest that is asked for, in
the interval that it would take to go to the city of Mexico and return
from it, as it is one hundred and fifty leagues from this town, with this
delay the said uprising might occur, in order that this might be avoided
and success made, as is necessary for the service of our Lord God, and
of his Majesty, in securing the peace and quiet of the said province, he
declared that it was necessary to call a junta, to be made up of Don Juan
de Cervantes Casaos, knight of the Order of Saint Francis, chief accoun-
tant of the tribunal of accounts of the city of Mexico, and the judge
inspector of this royal treasury, Captain Pedro de Carbajal, lieutenant
governor in this kingdom, the treasurer, Juan de Ibarra, and the factor
and veedor, Raphael de Gascue, officials of the said royal treasury, so that,
as persons experienced in such matters of war, each one could give his
opinion of what it would be best to do.

It appears th'at on the sixth day of the month of November, of the said
year, the above mentioned met with the senor governor and captain-
general in a room of the governmental buildings of this town. After
they had learned of the matter above stated and had read the said auto,
they unanimously declared that they were of the opinion that his lord-
ship, the senor governor, should assign to a resident of this province, an
experienced soldier, the said expedition that was to seek out and punish
the said delinquent Indians, and punish and force the rest of the Indians to
make peace. Since the said resident offered to go without any salary from
his Majesty, his expedition should be made quickly, before they could get
together and rebel, and the captain who should make the said expedition
should be warned not to do any harm to the women and children. For,
besides securing the punishment of the delinquents there would follow
from it many good results for the service of his Majesty. [They were
also of the opinion] that a barrel of powder should be taken from the
royal storehouse and sent to the said captain for the said expedition ; that
from the 6000 pesos which are annually assigned to the peace and war
budget in this kingdom, a box of irons for shoeing horses and mules
should be bought and sent for the said expedition; that the expense
should be paid for a pack-train of thirty mules for the period of two
months, or less, if the expedition should last a shorter time, in order to
carry the provisions ; that the said expense should be paid from the said
6000 pesos ; and that this assistance should be given to the persons who
might enlist in the said expedition, for the account of his Majesty.

It appears that on the eighth day of the said month of November there
was delivered to the alferez, Diego de Villar, resident of this town, a
barrel of powder, which, with the barrel, weighed seven arrobas and
three pounds, and a box with seven dozen irons — three dozen of them
to be used for shoeing horses at the rate of twenty-four shoes for each

134 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

de nacion concha con los quales y dichos espanoles parese averse echo la
dicha entrada Contra los dichos revelados el dicho capitan Christoval
Sanchez y con ellos parece tubo algunos rrincuentros prendio y Castigo
algunos Culpados Y Yco pases con los demas yndios de las parzialidades
de los dichos revelados.

Y en esta dicha Villa de Durango en dies y seis dias del mes de abril
deste presentte afio de mill y seiscienttos y Veintte y dos El dicho capitan
Christoval Sanchez Truxo a presencia de su ssenoria los auttos originales
que en rragon de la dicha entrada y castigo avia echo y entrego dies presas
que dixo aver sacado de la dicha entrada las cinco yndias ya mugeres de
mas de Veintte a treintte anos las quatro Y una Yndezuela de seis anos
Y un Yndio Grande llamado sevastian Y tres yndezuelos de quatro a seis
anos que por ttodos son las dichas dies piesas Las quales Vistos los auttos
por el dicho Governador y Capitan General declaro por esclabas Y que
de ellas sediese a su magestad lo que le pertenece de su rreal quintto en-
tregandose a los oficiales Reales de su Real hazienda Y caja desta villa
que senalo el dicho Yndio Gandul llamado Sebastian y un Yndezuelo de
los pequenos Y mando que las ocho piesas Restantes se Vendiesen en
publica almoneda y se rrematasen en las personas que mas por ellas diese
a luego pagar que los pesos de oro que montaren aplico la tercia parte
dellos para los gastos de las honrras que en esta Villa se an de azer de su
magestad que esta en el cielo y la otra tercia parte se le diese al dicho
capitan Christoval sanchez para ayuda a la costa que a tenido en traer las
dichas dies Piesas que rrepparttiese Entre si Y sus Conpaneros E yndios
amigos que an venido a esta Villa Y la otra tercia parte Para los gastos de
los estrados desta audiencia de Governacion Y costos desta Causa.

Y parese que en dies y siette dias del dicho mes de abrill en presencia
del dicho Senor Governador Y Capitan General Se entregaron al Tesorero
Juan de Ibarra Y facttor Y Veedor Raphael de Gascue Juezes oficiales
desta real hazienda E caxa desta villa El dicho Yndios Gandul llamado
Sebastian que por su aspecto Parecio ser de dies y ocho anos Y un Ynde-
zuelo de edad de cinco a seis anos que dixeron no ser christiano Y parece
que las dichas ocho piesas restantes Se Vendieron en presencia del Senor
Governador y Capitan General en los dichos dies y siete dias del dicho
mes de abrill a diferentes personas que montaron Trecientos Pesos de
oro comun el precio en que se rremataron despues de lo qual en dies e
nuebe dias del mes de abrill del dicho afio el dicho Senor Governador y
Capitan General por autto que pronuncio y por causas que a ello le
movieron que esplico en el dicho autto aplico los dichos trecienttos pesos
del Precio de las dichas ocho piesas para los gastos de las dichas onrras
de su magestad que esta en el cielo segun de que todo lo susodicho Y otras
Cosas mas largamente Consta Y paresce por los auttos originales que en
rragon de todo lo susodicho sea b f echo que en mi poder quedan a que me
Refiero Y Por Mandado del dicho Senor Governador Y Capitan General
di El Presentte que es ffecho en esta Villa de durango en diez y nueve del
mes de mayo de mill y seiscienttos y Veintte y dos anos Siendo testigos

b Obviously a miscopy for " se an ".

Mateo de Vesga, 1620-1622 135

dozen irons, and the other four dozen irons to be used to shoe other ani-
mals at the rate of forty-eight shoes for each dozen irons, and eight
hundred nails for shoeing. At the same time he received the commission,
and the instructions which, in view of it, his lordship gave to Captain
Cristobal Sanchez, deputy alcalde mayor of the said province, to make
the said expedition. All of this the said alferez Diego de Villar delivered
to the said captain Cristobal Sanchez, for which he gave a receipt in the
proper form.

It is evident from authentic testimony that in the valley of San Bar-
tolome, of the said province, on the twenty-second of the said month of
November, the said Cristobal Sanchez received from the said Diego de
Villar the said barrel of powder and the said box of irons. After this,
it appears that the said Cristobal Sanchez, in the exercise of the said com-
mission and after it had been proclaimed, enlisted a number of Spanish
soldiers. Afterwards it appears that the said Captain Cristobal San-
chez, with the said soldiers, on the twenty-fifth day of December, of
the said year of 1621, went from the town of San Francisco, one league
down the river, in prosecution of the said expedition. As many as eighty-
five Indians, caciques, governors, captains, and their subjects of the Con-
cha nation, joined him and offered to go with him on the expedition and
to serve as soldiers. With them and the said Spaniards the said Captain
Cristobal Sanchez appears to have made the said expedition against the
said rebels, with whom it appears that he had several encounters, took
and punished some of the guilty ones, and made peace with the rest of the
Indian allies of the said rebels.

In this said town of Durango, on the sixteenth day of the month of
April, of this present year of 1622, the said Captain Cristobal Sanchez
brought into the presence of his lordship the original autos which he had
made in connection with the said expedition and punishment, and he de-
livered ten prisoners that he said he had taken on the said expedition, five
of them women already grown, four being from twenty to thirty years
of age, and one little girl of six, a large Indian named Sebastian, and
three little boys from four to six years old, making all together the said
ten persons. These, after the autos had been examined by the said gov-
ernor and captain-general, he declared to be slaves, and that from them
he would set aside for his Majesty what belonged to him as his royal
fifth, delivering it to the royal officials of the real hacienda and treasury
of this town; he designated for this purpose the said Indian brave named
Sebastian and one of the little boys. He ordered that the remaining eight
should be sold at public auction to the persons that would pay the most for
them at once, and that a third part of the gold that should be received for
them should be applied to the expenses of the honors that would have to
be given in this town [to the memory] of his Majesty who is in Heaven;
another third should be given to the said Captain Cristobal Sanchez to
aid him in the expenses that he had in bringing the said ten persons, this
to be divided between himself, his companions, and the friendly Indians
who have come to this town ; and the remaining third part to be applied
to the expenses of this audiencia of government and the cost in this case.

136 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

el alferez diego de Villar Y Geronimo de bayamonte vezino y estantes en
esta villa Va enmendado a su rreal/m/to/Vea.c

Fecho y Sacado fue este tratado del testimonio original que en mi poder
queda y en los auttos en el Conthenidos y Va cierto y Verdadero Y se
corregio y Concerto en la Villa de durango en diez y nueve dias del mes
de mayo de mill y seiscientos y Veinte y dos afios siendo todo a lo Ver
corregir Y Concertar los dichos alferez diego de Villar Y Geronimo de
bayamonte Vezino y estante en esta Villa.d [Firmas.]

Del legajo de papeles tocantes a asuntos de los Indios revelados en nueva
Vizcaya. Governador Mateo de Vesga* [Mayo de 1624.]

En la villa de durango en cinco dias del mes de marzo de mill y seys-
cientos y beynte y quatro afios ante su ssefioria el sefior almirante matheo
de besga governador y capitan general parescio un yndio . . . que dijo
llamarse don balthasar y ser casique y Governador de los yndios del
pueblo de ticonazo de los yndios cristianos del y que al presente rreside
en el cerro gordo con sus yndios Cristianos por horden mando de su
senoria y assimismo Trujo Consigo otro yndio de nacion tepeguan que
mediantte el dicho ynterprete y del dicho don balthasar que abla la lengua
tepeguana el qual mostro a su ssefioria un pufiado de maiz y dijo que abia

c Reference is to the emendations made in the original copy of the document.
d F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 15, 191 4-
• A. G. I., 67-1-4.

Mateo de Vesga, 1624 137

It appears that on the seventeenth day of the said month of April, in
the presence of the said senor governor and captain-general, there were
delivered to the treasurer, Juan de Ibarra, and the factor and overseer,
Raphael de Gascue, official judges of this real hacienda and treasury of
this town, the said Indian buck called Sebastian, who seemed from his
appearance to be eighteen years old, and a boy from five to six years old,
who they said was not a Christian. It appears that the eight remaining
slaves were sold in the presence of the senor governor and captain-general,
on the said seventeenth day of the said month of April, to different per-
sons, and that the price for which they were auctioned amounted to three
hundred pesos in common gold.

Afterwards, on the nineteenth day of the month of April, of the said
year, the said senor governor and captain-general, by an auto which he
issued, and for reasons that moved him to do so, which he explained in
the said auto, applied the said three hundred pesos — the price of the said
eight slaves — to the expenses of the said honors to his Majesty 4T who is
in Heaven. All of the aforesaid and other things are evident and appear
more at length in the original autos, which, in connection with the above,
have been made; these, to which I refer, remain in my possession. By
order of the said governor and captain-general I issued the present writ-
ing, which is done in this town of Durango on the nineteenth day of the
month of May, 1622, the witnesses being the alferez, Diego de Villar,
and Jeronimo de Bayamonte, citizen and resident of this town. The
document has the following emendations : "asu real/m/to/Vea."

This copy was made and drawn from the original testimony which is
in my possession and in the autos contained therein. It is true and ac-
curate, and was corrected and verified in the town of Durango, on the
nineteenth day of May, 1622, the said alferez, Diego de Villar, and
Jeronimo de Bayamonte, citizen and resident of this town, being wit-
nesses of the correction and verification. [Signatures."]

From the bundle of papers touching upon the affairs of the rebellious
Indians of Nueva Vizcaya. Governor Mateo de Vesga. [May,
1624.]

In the town of Durango, on the fifth day of the month of March, 1624,
before his lordship, the senor admiral, Mateo de Vesga, governor and
captain-general, there appeared an Indian . . . who said that he was
named Don Baltasar, and that he was the cacique and governor of the
Christian Indians of the pueblo of Ticonazo, and that at present he resides
in the Cerro Gordo with his Christian Indians by order and command
of his lordship. He also brought with him another Indian of the Tepe-
guane nation, who, through the said interpreter and the said Don Bal-
tasar, who speaks the Tepeguane language, showed his lordship a handful
of maize, and said that there had come down in friendship as many uncon-
verted Indians as there were grains of corn — men and women totalling
eighty-five. He had settled them in the said Cerro Gordo; [they were]

138 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

bajado de paz tantos yndios Gentiles Como abia maises hombres y mu-
geres que abia ochenta y sinco Los quales tiene poblados en el dicho cerro
gordo quietos y pacificos y con Mucho gusto y parte dellos bautizados y
que el dicho don balthasar aviendo tenido noticia de un yndio llamado
Juan de nacion tepeguan natural del pueblo del zape que andaba con otros
quatro yndios alzado y salteando por los caminos y que asi apresso el y
el dicho Don Agustin y sus pilguanes f a el dicho yndio Juan a el qual
haorco en el parage que llaman del Canutillo Para exemplo de los demas
yndios no se atreviesen a seme j antes Cassos Con que la tierra e yndios
poblados estan sogegados y Contentos de todo Lo qual biene a dar quenta
a su sseiioria Como La da a quien piden y suplican anparo en el dicho
pueblo donde biben llamado sancta maria del serro gordo biban y residan
y asimismo se les de alguna Ropa para su bestir pues son buenos Yndios
y fieles Y acudiran como Acuden a el servicio de su magestad y a prender
Los salteadores que obiere y bisto por su ssefioria Les dio Lizencia para
que estubiesen y residiesen en el dicho pueblo y mando asistan en el
Resciviendo como recivio de paz a el dicho don agustin y sus sugetos y
Les mando La conserben que su sseiioria Les amparara y defendera de
sus enemigos y aviendoselo dado a entender por el dicho ynterpete dijeron
que ellos mantendran la dicha paz y estaran sugetos a la paz y obediencia
de su magestad Y Cumpliran lo que su sseiioria les manda atento a lo
qual y que los dichos don Baltasar y don Agustin traen consigo otros qua-
tro yndios pirguanes g mandava Y mando que domingo de herniva mer-
cader y bezino desta villa persona En quien estan rematados Los precios
de la ropa que su ssefioria Manda dar a semejantes yndios que a los pre-
cios que se le remato de al dicho don Baltasar cacique y governador siete
a baras de pafio comun un sombrero entre fino un guipil caretero Unas
naguas enteras una frezadilla conga y a el dicho don agustin otras siete
baras de paiio un sombrero entrefino un guipil Caretero Unas naguas en-
teras una frezadilla a don lucas uno de los dichos quatro yndios sinco
baras y media de paiio comun un sombrero Entrefino siete baras de sayal
una frezadilla y a Sebastian otro de los dichos yndios tres baras y media
de pafio Comun siete baras de sayal Un sombrero Entrefino unas naguas
enteras a diego otro yndio de los sussodichos tres baras y media de pafio
Comun un sombrero Entrefino siete baras de sayal Un guipil caretero para
su muger Y una frezadilla a Juan yndio de los que bajaron de paz sinco
baras de pafio comun siete de sayal una frezadilla un sombrero Entrefino
y asimismo dara A todos quatro achas de cortar madera y quatro machetes
y dos nobillos para que lleven a el dicho su pueblo y Repartan Entre los
yndios del para que coman y mas se haga pago de siete pesos Y quatro
Tomines que les dio por mandado de su senoria Con que an comido y ban
comiendo los dichos Yndios que dandoselos con un treslado autorizado
deste asiento y rescivo del dicho Juan Rodriguez espejo ynterprete susso-
dicho atento no traen persona que por ellos pueda recivir la dicha ropa de
como Recivieron los dichos yndios La dicha ropa que los pessos de oro
que montare su seiioria se les mandara pagar de los seis mill pesos que

f Probably a misspelling for " pilguanejo ", a word used in Mexico for "servant".

Mateo de Vesga, 1624 139

quiet and peaceful and very content and part of them were baptized. The
said Don Baltasar having had information that an Indian named Juan
of the Tepeguane nation, native of the pueblo of El Zape, was wandering
about with four other Indians in revolt and committing robberies on the
roads, he and the said Don Agustin and his servants took the said Indian
Juan prisoner and hanged him at the place called El Canutillo, as an
example to the other Indians not to venture to do such things. As a
result the country and Indians settled there have become quiet and con-
tented. Of all this he comes to give, as he does give, account to his lord-
ship from whom they ask for and crave asylum in the said pueblo where
they live, called Santa Maria del Cerro Gordo, in order that they may
live and reside [there] , and also to ask that some clothing be given to them
with which to dress themselves, for they are good and faithful Indians,
and will assist, as they are now assisting, in the service of his Majesty
and in arresting any highwaymen that there may be. In view of this his
lordship gave them license to remain and live in the said pueblo and
ordered that they should assist therein, acknowledging, as he did acknowl-
edge, the acceptance by the said Don Agustin and his subjects of the
peace. He ordered them to keep it and [stated] that his lordship would
protect and defend them from their enemies. Having been made to un-
derstand this through the said interpreter, they declared that they would
maintain the said peace, and that they would submit to the peace and to
the obedience of his Majesty and that they would fulfill whatever his
lordship ordered them. In view of this, and because the said Don Bal-
tasar and Don Agustin were bringing with them four other Indian ser-
vants, he ordered that Domingo de Herniva — merchant and resident of
this town and the person who bought at auction the right to fix the price
on clothing which his lordship ordered should be given to Indians in such
cases — should, at the prices that were fixed for him by his contract, give
to the said Don Baltasar, cacique and governor, seven varas of common
cloth, one middling fine hat, one carter's huipil,48 some long petticoats,
and a conga blanket ; to the said Don Agustin, another seven varas of
cloth, one middling fine hat, one carter's huipil, some long petticoats, and
one blanket; to Don Lucas, one of the said four Indians, five and one half
varas of common cloth, one middling fine hat, seven varas of serge, and
one blanket; to Sebastian, another of the said Indians, three and one half
varas of common cloth, seven varas of serge, one middling fine hat, and
some long petticoats; to Diego, another of the aforesaid Indians, three
and one-half varas of common cloth, one middling fine hat, seven varas
of serge, one carter's huipil for his wife, and one blanket; to Juan, one
of the Indians that came down to make peace, five varas of common
cloth, seven of serge, one blanket, and one middling fine hat.

Likewise he will give to all four axes for cutting wood, and four
machetes, and two young bulls to be taken to their said pueblo and divided
among the Indians there for them to eat; furthermore that they should
be paid seven pesos and four to mines.49 These he gave to them by order
of his lordship, and as a result the said Indians have eaten and are eating.
These things were given to them together with a certified copy of this
agreement and a receipt from the said Juan Rodriguez Espejo, the inter-

140 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

estan situados este presente ano para gastos de paz Y guerra desta gover-
nacion y asi Lo proveyo y firmo con el dicho Ynterpete Matheo de
Besga. . . .

En la villa de durango de la nueba bizcaya en siete dias del mes de
mayo de mill y seiscientos y Veinte y quatro afios Ante el Senor Almi-
rante matheo de besga Governador y Cappitan general del Reyno y pro-
bincias De la nueba bizcaya Por su Magestad Parescio el Padre ffrai
Lazaro despinosa guardian del conbento de San buena bentura de la
horden de san francisco del pueblo de atotonilco Jurisdiscion de la Pro-
bincia de Santa barbola el qual trujo Consigo a don Jusepe yndio Gover-
nador Casique del dicho pueblo de atotonilco y Con el dicho padre e yndio
binieron tres yndios que mediante alonsso benitez ynterpete deste juzgado
en lengua mejicana y el dicho yndio don jusepe ynterprete nombrado por
su sefioria en lengua concha y thobosa y mejicana Dijeron llamarse el
Uno Diego y ser hi jo de Un yndio llamado don agustin Capitan Y gover-
nador de la nacion tobosa y el otro dixo llamarse alonso de nacion tho-
bossa y ser Cappitan de una rrancheria de yndios de la dicha nacion y el
otro Ultimo de los tres dijo Llamarse Jacobo de nacion thobossa que
los dichos diego y alonsso yndios principales mediante los dichos ynter-
pretes en las dichas lenguas Dijeron que ellos y sus sujetos y las naciones
nonojes o cochames chicos y algunos thepeguanes y salineros a mas de
beynte afios que andan de guerra contra Los espanoles sin tener ni aber
dado obediencia a Su Magestad Retirados en los campos y sin dotrina y
que ellos comfiessan Los danos que an echo en los ganados y estancias
de la dicha probincia de Santa barbola y asimismo estando su ssenoria
con su campo en ella Los ynbio a llamar de Paz con el dicho yndio Jacobo
Con bandera de paz y salbo conducto no quisieron bajar sino antes
respondieron que ffueran los espanoles a buscarlos a sus sierras que ellos
se deffenderian y Bisto por su ssenoria La dicha Respuesta despues enspo h
acomodado su ssenoria ymbio al cappitan Christobal sanchez con com-
pafiia de soldados espanoles e yndios amigos conchos contra ellos Con
los quales tubieron Guacabasa ■ y en ella murio Un espanol Y se trujeron
en la dicha Jornada algunos yndios presos y otros quedaron eridos y cono-
ciendo ellos Lo mal que an echo y que Merecen gran castigo bienen por
si y en nombre de sus sujetos que estan juntos y congregados quince leguas
del pueblo de atotomilco a pedir como piden con el dicho Padre fTrai
lazaro de espinossa que su sefioria Como tan benigno Los resciba en nom-
bre de su magestad de paz pues bienen Con solo aberles ymbiado el dicho
Padre Una capilla de su abito Con la qual estan esperando en el dicho
paraje La horden que su ssenoria Les senalare donde acudiran a La doc-
trina Christiana y prometen rescibiendolos de paz de la guardar y Cum-
plir y Guardar Lo que Su Ssenoria Los hordenare y Bisto por su Ssenoria
dijo que en nombre de su magestad rescebia y rescibio de paz a Thodos
los dichos Yndios La qual guardandola y Cumpliendola su ssenoria les

h Evidently a miscopied abbreviation for " un tiempo ".

lFrom the context it would appear that this is an Indian word which means "en-
counter ", or fight.

Mateo de Vesga, 1624 141

preter above mentioned, inasmuch as they do not bring any one who
is able to receive the clothing, [that is, give a receipt] that the said In-
dians received the said clothing. The sum of money which this will
amount to, his lordship will order to be paid from the 6000 pesos that
have been assigned this present year for the expenses of peace and war
in this jurisdiction. It was so ordered and signed with the said inter-
preter. Mateo de Vesga. . . .

In the town of Durango, Nueva Vizcaya, on the seventh day of the
month of May, 1624, before the sefior admiral Mateo de Vesga, governor
and captain-general for his Majesty of the kingdom and province of
Nueva Vizcaya, appeared Father Fray Lazaro de Espinosa, guardian of
the monastery of San Buenaventura, of the Order of Saint Francis, of
the pueblo of Atotonilco, jurisdiction of the province of Santa Barbara.
He brought with him Don Jusepe, Indian governor and cacique of the
said pueblo of Atotonilco. With the said father and Indian came three
Indians, who, through Alonso Benitez, interpreter of this court in the
Mexican language, and the said Indian, Don Jusepe, appointed interpreter
by his lordship in the Concha, Toboso, and Mexican languages, said that
their names were as follows : one, Diego, son of an Indian called Don
Agustin, captain and governor of the Tobosa nation; another named
Alonso, of the Tobosa nation and captain of a rancheria of Indians of
the said nation; and the last one of the three said that his name was
Jacobo, of the Tobosa nation.

The said Diego and Alonso, Indian chiefs, through the said interpre-
ters in the said languages, said that they and their subjects and the
Nonojes, or Cochames Chicos, and some of the Tepeguanes and Salineros,
had been at war with the Spaniards for more than twenty years, without
ever having given obedience to his Majesty and had withdrawn to the
country without Christian instruction. They confessed to the damage
they had done to the cattle and farms of the said province of Santa Bar-
bara, and that when his lordship was encamped there and sent the said
Indian Jacobo, with a banner of peace and safe conduct, to summon them
to make peace they did not wish to come down, but instead replied that
the Spaniards might go and seek them in their sierras and that they
would defend themselves. His lordship, having heard the said reply,
afterwards sent, at a suitable time, Captain Cristobal Sanchez with a
company of Spanish soldiers and friendly Conchos Indians against them,
and with them they had a fight in which one Spaniard was killed. On the
said expedition some Indians were taken prisoners and others were
wounded. Acknowledging the evil that they had done and the fact that
they merited severe punishment, they come, for themselves, and in the
name of their subjects who are assembled and congregated fifteen leagues
from the pueblo of Atotonilco, to plead, as they do plead, with the said
Father Fray Lazaro de Espinosa, that his lordship, being so benignant,
should receive them in peace, in the name of his Majesty. For they come
only because the said Father had sent them a hood from his habit, and
with it they are awaiting at the said place the order in which his lordship
will indicate to them the place to which they will repair for Christian in-

142 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

amparara y deffendera de sus enemigos que si la quebrantaren Les casti-
gara a ffuego y sangre sin aber misericordia dellos y que declaren que
Cantidad de yndios e yndias chicos y grandes habiendoselo dado a enten-
der por los dichos ynterpretes dijeran que como dicho tienen guardaran
la dicha paz en que son rescebidos y no la quebrantaran en manera alguna
Por ningun casso que cumpliendo Con lo que su ssenoria Les manda
declaran ser muchos asi honbres como mugeres y nifios y que sefialandoles
puerto donde biban y residan se contaran ymbiaran La Lista y minuta a
su ssenoria y bisto por su Sefioria mediante Los dichos ynterpetes Les
mando poblasen seys leguas del dicho pueblo de atotomilco en Un parage
que llaman de San ffelipe orillas de un rrio Llamado fflorido donde agan su
yglesia y bivienda y sus millpas que su ssenoria Les ayudara Para lo
azer Los quales dijeron mediante los dichos ynterpretes que cumpliran Lo
que se les manda y estan enagradecimiento a la merced de su ssenoria
Les aze y mando que Domingo de herniva mercader en esta Villa Per-
sona en quien estan rematados Los precios de las cossas que se dan a
los yndios desta governacion Como en quien yzo mas baja de al dicho dio
yndio siete baras de sayal Un sombrero entrefino una ffracadilla j conga
dos cajas de cuchillos carnizeros y un guipilcumise y un par de zapatos
baquita y un toston de agujas e ylo y al dicho alonsso otro tantto y al
dicho yndio jacobo Principal otro tanto y mas unas naguas medias para
su muger y al dicho don Jusepe se le de por ser ladino y aber ayudado y
serbido a su magestad en todas las guerras tres baras y media de pafio
comun Un sombrero entreffino Unos berceguies k de badana unos gapatos
de baqueta y medias naguas comunes y un guipilcuimite y asimismo se de
a el dicho padre fray Lacaro de espinossa Por el mucho trabajo y dili-
gencia que a echo en lo susodicho y parte que a thenido en Darles de comer
y bestias en que an benido setenta y Cinco pesos en plata que dandoselo
thodo Lo sussodicho a el dicho padre y dichos yndios su ssenoria Le
mandara pagar con sus rescibos y Cartas de pago del dicho padre e yndios
de los seys mill pesos que estan situados para gastos de paz y guerra de
esta governacion deste presente ano y assi Lo probeyo e ffirmo con el
dicho padre e ynterpete Matheo de Vesga ffray Lazaro de Espinosa
Alonsso Benitez ante mi Luis Arias de la Puente escrivano de su
magestad y governacion.1 [Firmas.']

i " Frazadilla " or " f rezadilla ".

k Obviously a miscopy for " borceguies ".

1 F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 20, 1914.

Mateo de Vesga, 1624 143

struction. They promise, if they are admitted to peace, to keep and fulfill
it and to do whatever his lordship may order them to do.

In view of this, his lordship said that in the name of his Majesty he
acknowledged, as he did, the acceptance of the peace by all of the said
Indians, and that, if they kept and fulfilled it, his lordship would protect
and defend them from their enemies, but if they should break it he would
punish them with fire and blood, without having any pity upon them.
He also asked that they state how many Indians there were, young and
old, and that after this had been explained to them by the said interpre-
ters, they should say, as they, have said, that they will keep the said peace
in which they are received and that they will not break it in any manner
for any cause whatever. In answer to what his lordship orders they de-
clare that the number of Indians, men as well as women and children, is
large, and that if he would appoint a place where they may live and reside
they would be counted and they would send the list and memorandum to
his lordship.

This having been heard by his lordship through the said interpreters,
he ordered that they should settle six leagues from the said pueblo of
Atotonilco, in a place called San Felipe, on the banks of a river named
Florido, where they should build their church and dwellings and plant
their cornfields, in which his lordship would assist them. They said,
through the said interpreters, that they would do what they were ordered
to do and that they are grateful for the kindness that his lordship shows
them. He ordered that Domingo de Herniva, merchant of this town and
the person who bought at auction the right to fix the prices on the things
that are given to the Indians of this jurisdiction, as the one who made the
lowest bid on them, should give to the said Indian seven varas of serge,
one middling fine hat, one conga blanket, two boxes of butcher knives,
one carter's huipilcuntise,50 a pair of cowhide shoes and a half dollar's
worth of needles and thread; to the said Alonso a like list of things; to
the said Indian chief, a like list, and, in addition, some half-length petti-
coats for his wife; and to the said Jusepe, because of his being educated
and having aided and served his Majesty in all the wars, three and one
half varas of common cloth, one middling fine hat, some half-boots of
tanned sheepskin, some cowhide shoes, common middle-length petticoats,
and one carter's huipilcnimite.51 He also ordered that the said Father
Fray Lazaro de Espinosa should be given, in return for the great labor
and efforts that he had expended in the foregoing and the part that he
had had in providing food for them and the animals on which they came,
seventy-five pesos in silver.

When all the aforesaid have been given to the said father and the said
Indians, and upon obtaining from the said father and the said Indians
their receipts and certificates of payment, his lordship will order that the
above payments be made from the 6000 pesos that have been assigned
for the expenses of peace and war of this jurisdiction for this present
year. He thus ordered and signed it with the said father and interpreter.
Mateo de Vesga. Fray Lazaro de Espinosa. Alonso Benitez. Before
me, Luis Arias de la Puente, clerk of his Majesty and government.
[Signatures.']

144 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Estado en que estaba Durango y la tierra, los edificios que an hecho
yglesias y monasterios el gran crezimyento que tuvo la provyncia y
goviemo m [de Nueva Vizcaya. 1624.]

Autto.

En la Villa de durango dela nueba Vizcaya en diez y siete dias del mes
de Junio de mill y seiscientos y veynte y quatro afios El sefior almirante
Mateo de besga Governador y Capitan General deste Reyno de la nueba
Vizcaya por Su magestad dijo que por quanto al tiempo y quando su
senoria Bino a Governar este Reyno y entro en esta dicha villa caverzera
del Para tomar como Thomo Posesion del dicho Govierno alio y estava
esta Villa Muy aruynada asi de gente y Vecinos como de casas de bivienda
y por el buen horden que a tenido su Senoria en el dicho su govierno
agasaxe n que a hecho a los Vecinos del y pasaxeros que an benido a esta
villa se a aumentado en comercio de gente y trato de mercangias y otras
cosas En que sean engrandecido aciendo casas de Vivienda en esta dicha
villa estancias en su Juridiscion haziendas de minas en los Reales que ay
en esta Governacion Como son el conbento de sefior San nicolas de la hor-
den de sefior San agustin que se a fundado en esta villa el ffactor Raphael
de gascue Una cassa muy sunttuossa y grande y de mucho valor y Graviel
Ruiz Vezino desta Villa otra cassa el capitan Juan de Aguiluz Una cassa
antonio sanchez de salinana otra Casa en que bive El capitan Alonso de
quesada otra cassa Andres de Villa otra casa francisco de medrano otra
casa El presente secretario dos aposentos el Canonigo Porras tres o quatro
aposentos desta cassa de Su bivienda Antonio morcillo dos tiendas Bal-
tasar falcon chirionero dos cassas miguel de Varrassa chirionero otra
cassa Y dos tiendas francisco de mena dos tiendas Antonio de molina
otra cassa Juana bautista otra cassa domingo gonzales arcabuzero Una
cassa Vartolome sanchez cobos Una cassa ernando Reynado chirinero
otra cassa El bachiller Juan de Vega Vezino y Rexidor desta Villa Una
tienda Gaspar denaba mercader una cassa y en una cera della tres tiendas
El Alferez Real pidio de casa bona Una tienda Juan de Cadiz dos cassas
el dicho Graviel Ruiz Una calera Junto a esta billa miguel Rodriguez
Una cassa ana de ypolito una cassa Juana Rodriguez una cassa melchora
de los Reyes otra cassa media Legua desta Villa Su senoria fundo Un
pueblo llamado San Antonio de Cantidad de yndios que Vajaron de la
sierra y manuel Rodriguez de messa a poblado Una estancia de Labor
Una legua desta Villa el dicho Vachiller Juan de Vega a poblado Una
Legua desta billa otra estancia de Labor el capitan Martin de Ybarra A
Poblado quatro leguas desta villa otra estancia de labor y de ganado
mayor diego de guzman herrera a poblado otra estancia de labor y ganado
mayor tres leguas desta villa el dicho Juan de ocadiz otra estancia de
lavor tres leguas della Las quales dichas estancias al tiempo que bino su
senoria a el dicho su gobierno estavan destruydas y Las Yglesias y
Viviendas de los padres de La compania de Jesus que administravan Los
yndios quemadas Y destruydas y Las aziendas De sacar plata de Los

m A. G. I., 67-1-4.

n Obviously " agasajo ".

Durango, 1624 145

The condition of Durango and of the country, the buildings, churches, and
monasteries that were constructed, and the great development of the
province and government [of Nueva Viscaya. 1624].

Auto.

In the town of Durango, Nueva Vizcaya, on the seventeenth day of
the month of June, 1624, the sefior admiral Mateo de Vesga, governor
and captain-general of this kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, for his Majesty,
said that whereas at the time that his lordship came to govern this
kingdom and entered this said town, its capital, in order to take, as he
did take, possession of the said government, he found this town in a
wretched state with respect to people and citizens as well as dwelling-
houses, through the good order which his lordship has maintained in
his said government, and the kindness that he has shown to the residents
and travellers that have come to this town, there has been an increase
in commerce, population, trade, and other things for which they may be
extolled — building of dwelling-houses in the said town, [developing]
farms in its district, [constructing] reduction works in the mining camps
of this jurisdiction as, for instance : the monastery of San Nicolas, of
the Order of Saint Augustine, which has been founded in this town; the
factor, Rafael Gascue, a very sumptuous and large house of great value;
Gabriel Ruiz, citizen of this town, another house ; Captain Juan de Agui-
luz, a house; Antonio Sanchez de Salinaria, another house in which he is
living; Captain Alonso de Quesada, another house; Andres de Villa, an-
other house ; Francisco de Medrano, another house ; the present secretary,
two rooms; the canon Porras, three or four rooms [added] to his dwell-
ing ; Antonio Morcillo,two stores ; Baltasar Falcon Chirionero, two houses ;
Miguel de Barrasa Chirionero, another house and two stores; Francisco
de Mena, two stores ; Antonio de Molina, another house ; Juan Bautista,
another house ; Domingo Gonzalez, harquebus-maker, a house ; Bartolome
Sanchez Cobos, a house; Hernando Reynado Chirinero, another house;
the bachiller, Juan de Vega, citizen and regidor of this town, a store;
Gaspar Denaba, merchant, a house, and in one cera of it three stores. The
royal alferez asked for a store of Casabona ; Juan de Cadiz, two houses ;
the said Gabriel Ruiz, a lime-kiln near his town; Miguel Rodriguez, a
house; Ana de Hipolito, a house; Juana Rodriguez, a house; Melchora
de los Reyes, another house. A half a league from this town his lordship
founded a pueblo called San Antonio, with a number of Indians who
came down from the sierra. Manuel Rodriguez de Mesa has settled a
farm one league from this town. The said bachiller Juan de Vega has
settled another farm one league from this town. Captain Martin de
Ibarra has settled another farm for planting and cattle raising four leagues
from this town. Diego de Guzman Herrera has settled another farm for
planting and cattle raising three leagues from this town, and the said
Juan de Cadiz, another farm three leagues from it. At the time that his
lordship came to take possession of the said government the said farms
were destroyed; the churches and dwellings of the fathers of the Com-
pany of Jesus, who were governing the Indians, were burned and de-
stroyed, and the reduction works for taking out silver at the mining

146 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Reales de minas y aciendas de labores de sus contornos quemadas thodo
lo qual se a buelto a Reedificar y se a edifficado en grande aumento desta
Villa y Reyno y de los Reales quintos de su magestad desde que su
senoria empezo a Governar Con sus buenas trazas abelidad y buen
Govierno que a tenido en el tiempo que a governado este Reyno y para
que conste a su magestad y su real consejo de las yndias Lo susodicho
conviene se aga Ynformacion de todo ello con Las personas de mas
calidad y onradas desta villa y que se den mandamientos Para que los
alcaldes mayores de los Reales de minas Cada Uno en su jurisdiscion agan
ymformacion De las aziendas de minas y labores que se an Reedificado
y Poblado durante el dicho Govierno de su senoria y ffechas Las ymbien
a este tribunal para que Juntas Con la que en esta villa se yciere se saque
un traslado de todo ello y autorizado en publica fforma se ymbie a su
magestad E dicho se Real Consejo y asi lo proveyo e ffirmo Matheo de
Vesga antte mi Luis Arias de la Puente etc.

Ynformacion . . . Capitan don Diego Ceron Carbaxal testigo :
... que esta villa y reyno estava muy aruynada asi de gente como de
casas y algunos yngenios de Reales de minas Casas de Viviendas de Las
estancias de lavor Por las grandes guerras que a abido del algamiento
General que en este Reyno Ubo . . . y este testigo andubo Personalmente
Con el senor don Gaspar de alvear caballero de la horden de Santiago
Governador que fue deste Reyno antecessor de su senoria como cappitan
De Una compania de Soldados espafioles que tubo a su cargo en el al-
Qamiento General que RefTerido tiene y Vio que los yndios destruyeron y
quemaron La azienda de labor y Ganado mayor de pero mato que esta
tres leguas de yndee. . . .

Geronimo Trebino alguacil mayor . . . testigo :

. . . Y se an hecho y reedifficado Las dichas estancias de Labor y
Ganado mayor y este testigo a ydo personalmente con el senor Governa-
dor a las Visitas que a echo en este reyno como tal alguacil mayor y a
bisto que se an reedificado en las minas de Goanacebi Sancta barbola
yndee y Guanabal aciendas de minas y Labor en todo lo qual y en aberse
baxado y Poblado de yndios dos pueblos el uno en el valle del serro Gordo
de yndios Varbaros y otro en la provincia de sancta barbola en la cienega
que llaman de san Pablo con mucha cantidad de yndios.0

Relacion que se le vino {Pedro Coronado~\ azer al gobernador del estado
de unas provyncias y de las battalias que tubo con ellos y rendimiento
y or denes que se dieronP [Durango, provincia de Nueva Vizcaya,
jo de Abril de 1625.']

En La Villa de durango En treinta dias del mes de abril de mill y Seis-
cientos y Beynte y cinco afios El Senor almirante Mattheo de Vesga Gov-

0 F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 27, 1914.
p A. G. I., Sevilla, 67-1-4.

Pedro Coronado, 1625 147

camps, and the adjacent farms were burned. All of these have been re-
built, or built, to the great benefit of this town and kingdom and the royal
fifths 52 of his Majesty, since his lordship began to govern with the good
management, ability, and good administration that he has exercised in
the time during which he has governed this kingdom.
^ In order that the aforesaid may be evident to his Majesty and his royal
Council of the Indies, it is necessary that a statement of the whole matter
be made by the persons of the highest rank and reputation in this town,
and that orders be given that the alcaldes mayores of the mining camps,
each one in his own jurisdiction, shall make a report concerning the
reduction works and farms that have been rebuilt and settled during the
administration of his lordship. When they are made they shall send
them to this tribunal, so that, together with the report which will be made
in this city, a copy may be made of the whole, and, after it is attested in
legal manner, sent to his Majesty and his royal Council. Thus he ordered
and signed it, Mateo de Vesga. Before me, Luis Arias de la Puente,
etc.

Statement. . . . Captain Don Diego Ceron Carbajal, witness:
. . . that this town and kingdom were in a ruinous state with respect
to people, as well as houses and some works at the mining camps and
dwelling-houses on the farms, because of the great wars resulting from
the general uprising that took place in this kingdom . . . and this wit-
ness went in person with Senor Don Gaspar de Alvear, knight of the
Order of Santiago, former governor of this kingdom and predecessor of
his lordship, as captain of a company of Spanish soldiers that he had in
his charge in the general uprising referred to, and he saw that the Indians
had destroyed and burned the farm buildings and cattle of Pero Mato,
which is three leagues from Inde

Geronimo Trevino, Algnacil Mayor . . . witness :
. . . and the said farms and cattle-ranches have been re-established,
and this witness, in his capacity as algiiacil mayor, has gone in person
with the said governor on the visits which he has made in this kingdom,
and he has seen at the mines of Guanacebi, Santa Barbara, Inde, and
Guanabal that the mines and farms of all those places have been re-
established, and that the Indians have come down and settled two pueblos,
one in the valley of Cerro Gordo with barbarous Indians, and the other,
with a large number of Indians, in the province of Santa Barbara, at the
marsh called San Pablo.

Report which [Pedro Coronado'] came to make to the governor concern-
ing the state of some of the provinces, and the battles that took place
with [the Indians], their submission, and the orders that were given.
[Durango, province of Nueva Vizcaya, April 30, 1625.]

In the town of Durango, on the thirtieth day of April, 1625, the senor

admiral Mateo de Vesga,53 governor and captain-general of this kingdom

and provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Copala, Chiametla, and Sinaloa," for

his Majesty, declared that on yesterday, which was the twenty-ninth day

11

148 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

ernador y Capitan General deste rreino y provincias de la nueva Vizcaya
Copala chiametla y Cinaloa por su magestad dixo que por quanto ayer
que se contaron veinte y nueve dias deste presente mes y afio llego a esta
villa Pedro Coronado alguacil mayor de la villa de San Phelipe y Santiago
de la provincia de Cinaloa y Soldado de los que sirven a su magestad en
ella el qual bino por Caudillo de quatro soldados que truszo a su cargo
Y assimismo Una Carta de letra y firma del Padre Luis de Bonifaz de La
Compania de Jessus Rector y Visitador de la dicha provincia. La dicha
carta escrivio el dicho Padre Luis de Bonifaz a pedimiento del cappitan
Diego Martinez de Urdayde que Lo es de la dicha provincia Y Theniente
de Governador y Cappitan General della que el dicho capitan Diego mar-
tinez No la pudo escrivir Por Tener el brazo quebrado y estar enfermo
en cama Y la dicha carta dize en ella a su ssenoria que el dicho Pedro
Coronado Viene a esta dicha villa Como persona platica y de toda satis-
fazion a dar quenta a su senoria de la guerra que a tenido el dicho Capitan
diego Martinez de Urdayde Con las naciones Soes apachales Calimones y
otras circunvecinas y cerco del Pefiol que llaman De Varravas Yia q que
su senoria Se enttere de todo y de quanto a el Excelentisimo Virey de la
nueva espana Mando al dicho Pedro Coronado clara y adviertamente
Haga rrelacion de todo el susesso Muertes de amigos y enemigos Pressa
que se haya Hecho Cada cossa con distincion y Verdad que en todo
tiempo paresca avella r dicho y estando pressente el dicho Pedro Coronado
dixo que en conformidad de la horden que el dicho su capitan Diego Mar-
tinez de Urdayde dio de que Viniesse a esta dicha villa a dar a su senoria
la dicha quenta La da en esta forma.

El movimiento de la dicha Guerra contra la nacion soes que su dis-
tricto es quatro Leguas del fuerte de montesclaros mision de los padres
de la Compania de Jessus fue el principal movimiento y Un Yndio Veli-
cosso Gran Capitan de la dicha nacion llamado jocopillo fue el que em-
pesso a lebantar Gente y pagar los naturales a Ussanssa dellos y conbocar
a las Naciones Calimones que estavan cinco Leguas poco mas de la nacion
soes y assi mismo La Nacion apachale Cuyo capitan hera otro Yndio
Velicosso Llamado Huechuri Y aviendose convocado y Juntado a Su
Ussanssa Para Cuando La Luna estuviesse en el tiempo que entre ellos
sefialavan matar a los rreligiossos que Los administravan que Heran el
Padre Castin y Jullio Pazcual su companero Y assimismo matar Los
yndios christianos que estavan debaxo del amparo de la Real Corona Y
no mataron Los dichos padres por aver passado a otras Vissitas y enpes-
sando Los dichos yndios La Guerra mataron en el pueblo de Vaca ocho
yndios principales christianos Por no querer alssarse Con ellos y a este
tiempo se alsso y rrebelo el pueblo de Calimoones que colindava con el
dicho pueblo de Vaca quemando Todo el dicho pueblo y siguiendo Y
avnandosse Con Los demas yndios alssados no quissieron admitir Los
dichos rrequirimientos antes mataron Los dichos menssaxeros e Hizieron
dellos Varbacoas y Se los comieron y enviaron al dicho capitan Mensse-
jero Con muchas amenazas y desverguenzas que en Campana Le esperavan

i Probably a corrupted abbreviation for " y para ".
rA corrupted abbreviation for " haverla ".

Pedro Coronado, 1625 149

of this present month and year, Pedro Coronado, alguacil mayor of the
town of San Felipe and Santiago, of the province of Sinaloa, and one
of the soldiers who are serving his Majesty there, arrived in this town.
He came as leader of four soldiers who were in his charge, and brought,
at the same time, a letter in the handwriting and with the signature of
Father Luis de Bonifaz, of the Company of Jesus, rector and visitor of
the said province. The said Father Luis de Bonifaz wrote the said letter
at the request of Diego Martinez de Urdaide,55 who is captain of the said
province and lieutenant governor and captain-general of it, for the said
Captain Diego Martinez could not write, because of having his arm
broken, and because of being ill in bed. In the said letter to his lordship
he says that the said Pedro Coronado comes to this said town as a well-
informed person and perfectly qualified to give information to his lord-
ship of the war which the said Captain Diego Martinez de Urdaide has
waged with the Soes, Apachales, Calimones, and other nations surrounding
and near the large rock called Varravas. And in order that his lordship
might inform himself of everything that he might give a complete account
to the most excellent viceroy of New Spain,56 he ordered the said Pedro
Coronado to make a clear and intelligible report of the entire event, the
deaths of friends and enemies, prisoners that may have been taken —
everything distinctly and accurately — so that for all time it might appear
that he told it. The said Pedro Coronado, being present, declared that
in accordance with the order which his said captain, Diego Martinez de
Urdaide, had given him to come to this town and give to his lordship the
said account, he gives it in the following manner :

The movement against the Soes nation, whose district is four leagues
from the fort of Montesclaros, mission of the fathers of the Company
of Jesus, was the chief movement of the said war. A belligerent Indian
named Jocopillo, chief captain of the said nation, was the one who began
to raise people and pay the natives according to their custom, and to
convoke the Calimones nations, who are about five leagues, or a little
more, from the Soes nation, and also the Apachale nation, whose captain
was another bellicose Indian named Huechuri. They congregated and
assembled according to their custom, when the moon was at the time that
had been agreed upon among them, to kill the religious who were gov-
erning them — Father Castin 57 and his companion, Julio Pascual — and
likewise to kill the Christian Indians who were under the protection of
the royal crown. But they did not kill the said fathers because they had
gone to other missions.

Beginning the war, the said Indians killed at the pueblo of Vaca eight
Christian Indian chiefs, because they did not wish to rebel with them.
At the same time the pueblo of Calimones, which was contiguous to the
said pueblo of Vaca, rose up and revolted, completely burning the said
pueblo and advancing with the rest of the rebellious Indians. They did
not wish to receive the said demands, but on the contrary killed the said
messengers and roasted them and ate them. And they sent to the said
captain a messenger with many threats and insults, saying that they were
in the field awaiting him with their arms. When he saw the damage they

150 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Con sus armas y Visto por el capitan el dafio que avian hecho Y que de
salirse Con ellos Podria rresultar el tomar avilantes Las demas naciones
como Lo hizieran Por ser en tan Grande Numero La Gente que ay en la
dicha Provincia Y assi el dicho Capitan Diego Martinez de Urdayde Salio
a campana con quarenta y ocho espanoles Vien armados Y quinientos
amigos que Servian de soldados y fue en busca del enemigo a donde Se
avian rrettirado a las sierras mas altas que avia en aquella provincia Y
aviendo caminado el dicho capitan con su campo Por sus Jornadas doze
dias Lllego a bista de un pefiol alto al pie de el enpessaron a pelear Los
amigos con Los enemigos sin que el capitan y soldados empessassen la
pelea y los enemigos aquella Noche Se rretiraron y suvieron al Pefiol Por
ser aspero y ffuerte que Por serlo tanto fue necessario al dicho capitan
ponerle cerco Con su canpo Y los Tnvo cercados treinta dias y en todos
ellos peleando de Una parte y otra Hasta que el dicho capitan les Gasto
el agua y espera Socorro de Diez soldados mas y dos mill yndios amigos

Y al cavo de los dichos treinta dias el dicho capitan aviendo abierto algun
camino a manos Con todos Los espanoles e yndios amigos Repartio por
esquadros Gano el dicho Pefiol y dio la batalla a los enemigos en la qual
murieron mas de Ciento y cinquenta de los enemigos Peleando Valerosa-
mente Con las armas en las manos y assimismo ovo muchos heridos de
los dichos enemigos Uyendose rretiraron Las sierras arriva y abaxo Y
murieron treinta Yndios amigos y assimismo salieron quatro espanoles
Heridos y Coxieron Prissioneros Hombres y muxeres chicos y grandes
Cerca de quarenta personas Con lo qual el dicho Capitan bolvio marchando
con su campo hasta llegar al f uerte de montesclaros dexando assentado de
pas todos Los pueblos de los amigos con que con el castigo que Hizo con
Lo referido Y ahorcando Veinte y Un Yndios y entre ellos a Uno Veli-
cosso llamado tacanuri esta la dicha provincia en toda paz y con los pris-
sioneros En conformidad de Las Hordenes e Ynstruciones que El dicho
capitan tiene Hizo deposito y Beinte y seis personas dellos fueron delin-
quentes y matadores a los quales sentencio el dicho capitan a destierro
de la dicho provyncia y a servicio Personal Por tiempo Limitado Y que
los aplico Por Tercias partes caons 8 de su magestad Gastos de Justicia
y Gastos de la Jornada que Hizo Y esto es al pie de lo que passo y Berdad

Y que su Senoria mande Parescer ante si a tres soldados de los que trae
consigo y estan en esta villa llamados Andres diaz Mateo rios y bal-
thasar de sepulbeda Los quales Se hallaron en la dicha Guerra y Jornada
y se les lea todo Lo referido Para que Su Senoria Conste ser todo Verdad
Hasta que el dicho capitan envie rrazon de todo a su senoria.

Y Bista la dicha relacion por su Senoria mando que delante de los
dichos tres soldados presente estavan se les lea de Vervo ad Verbum la
dicha declaracion y declaren si passo assi segun y como en ella se refiere.

Y aviendosseles leido a la lettra La dicha rrelacion dixeron que todos tres
Con el dicho Capitan diego Martinez de Urdayde Soldados y demas
campo que en la dicha Jornada Y Guerra se Hallaron Y estubieron
pressenttes y se Hallaron en ella y paso Segun y de la manera que el dicho
Pedro Coronado Lo tiene declarado y el dicho Balthassar de Sepulbeda

8 For "cajones".

Pedro Coronado, 1625 151

had done, and that if they had their own way it would result in making
the other nations more audacious, as they would be, because of the great
number of them in the province, the said Captain Diego Martinez de
Urdaide took the field with forty-eight Spaniards, well armed, and five
hundred friendly Indians who were serving as soldiers, and went in
search of the enemy to where they had retreated, in the highest sierras
in that province.

The said captain, having travelled with his army for twelve days' jour-
ney, arrived in sight of a large high rock, at the foot of which the friendly
Indians began to fight with the hostiles without waiting for the captain
and soldiers to begin the fight. That night the enemy retired and climbed
the rock, and because it was so rough and strong it became necessary for
the said captain to surround it with his force. He kept them surrounded
for thirty days, in all that time fighting in one place or another, until the
said captain used up all the water they had and awaited a reinforcement
of ten more soldiers and 2000 friendly Indians. At the end of the said
thirty days the said captain, having opened some sort of a road by hand,
with all the Spaniards and friendly Indians divided into squadrons, gained
the said rock and gave battle to the enemy in which more than one hun-
dred and fifty of the enemy died fighting valorously with their arms in
their hands. Likewise many of the said hostiles were wounded while they
took flight and retired to the sierras above and below. Thirty friendly
Indians were killed and four Spaniards were wounded. Nearly forty
persons, men and women, small and large, were taken prisoner. The
said captain then returned, marching with his army until he reached the
fort of Montesclaros, leaving all the pueblos of the friendly Indians at
peace with the punishment administered as above stated, and hanging
twenty Indians, among them one troublesome man named Tacanuri.

This said province is entirely at peace, and in conformity with the
orders and instructions that he had, the said captain placed the prisoners
in safe keeping. Twenty-six among them were criminals and murderers,
and the said captain sentenced them to banishment from the said province
and to personal service for a limited time, and applied the proceeds in three
parts : to the treasury of his Majesty, the costs of justice, and the ex-
penses of the expedition that he made. This is literally what happened
and is true. His lordship ordered that there should appear before him
three of the soldiers of those whom he brought with him and who were
in this town, named Andres Diaz, Mateo Rios, and Baltasar de Sepul-
veda, who were in the said war and expedition, and that all the aforesaid
should be read to them, so that his lordship might learn whether it was
all true, until such time as the said captain should send a report of all
to his lordship.

After the said statement had been examined by his lordship, he ordered
that it should be read word for word in the presence of the said three
soldiers, and that they should state whether all had occurred as was stated
in it, and after they had read the said statement in detail they declared
that they all three went with the said Captain Diego Martinez de Urdaide
and the rest of the soldiers and army on the said expedition and war,

152 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Salio Herido de la dicha batalla y Vio Los Heridos que en la dicha rrela-
cion se contiene y pressas muertes y heridos Segun y Como en la dicha
rrelacion Se rrefiere y todo Lo en ella contenido Es berdad Como pares-
cera por Las ynformaciones y auctos que el dicho capitan tiene fechos en
rracon dellos. Y lo firmo el dicho Pedro Coronado y Mathias rodriguez
Soldados y los demas no lo firmaron por que dixeron no saver y bisto
Por su Sefioria La dicha rrelacion mando que saque en traslado copias
y authorissados en publica forma su sefioria Lo envie a el Excelentisimo
Senor Marques de Zerralbo Virrey de la nueba espana Y assi lo proveyo
Y firmo Matheo de Vesga Pedro Coronado Mathias rodriguez ante mi
Luis Arias de la Puente secretario de Su Magestad Y governacion
... en la Villa de durango en treinta dias del mes de abrill de mill y
seiscientos y veinte y cinco afios.1 [Firmas.~\

Razon Y minuta de los yndios que se administran en las provincias de la
nueba Vizcaia Por los Vicarios Veneficiados y rrelixiosos de San
Francisco y compania de Jesus que hoy estan bautizados.u [1625.]

Provincia de Sinaloa.

El padre leandro patino de la compania de Jesus administra en su

mision mill y quatrocientas personas 1400

El padre Alverto Llarin de la compania de Jesus Administra en su

mision tres mill personas 3000

El padre martin de aspilueta de la compania de Jesus Administra

en su mision dos mill y quinientas y sesenta y siete personas . 2567

El padre Juan calbo de la compania de Jesus administra en su mi-
sion nobecientas y Veinte y dos personas 922

El padre Pedro Juan castin de la compania de Jesus administra en

su mision seys mill y quinientas y setenta personas 6570

El padre Francisco olibano de la compania de Jesus administra en
su mision nuebe mill y setecientas y cinquenta y nueve per-
sonas 9759

El padre diego bandersipe de la compania de Jesus administra en

su mision diez mill personas 10000

El padre Pedro mendez de la compania de Jesus administra en su

mision siete mill y ducientas y cinquenta personas 7250

El padre Juan de Cardenas de la compania de Jesus administra en

su mision quatro mill personas 4000

El padre thomas Basilio de la compania de Jesus administra en su

mision cinco mill y quatrocientas personas 5400

1 F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 29, 1914.
u A. G. I., 67-1-4.

Account of Baptized Indians, 1625 153

and were present and took part in it, and that everything had happened
as the said Pedro Coronado had declared. The said Baltasar de Sepul-
veda was wounded in the said battle, and he saw the wounded men-
tioned in the said report, and the prisoners, deaths, and wounds, as stated
in the said report, and he declared that everything contained in it was
true, as would appear by the reports and autos that the said captain had
made in regard to them. The said soldiers Pedro Coronado and Mathias
Rodriguez signed it; the others did not sign it because they said they
did not know how [to write]. The said statement having been examined
by his lordship, he ordered that certified copies in legal form be made of it
and sent to the most excellent senor, Marquis de Cerralvo,08 viceroy of
New Spain. It was thus done and signed by Mateo de Vesga, Pedro
Coronado, and Mathias Rodriguez before me, Luis Arias de la Puente,
secretary of his Majesty's government ... in the town of Durango, on
the thirtieth day of the month of April, 1625. [Signatures.']

Account and memorandum of the baptized Indians governed in the
provinces of Nueva Vizcaya by the vicars, beneficiaries, and religious
of the Order of Saint Francis and of the Company of Jesus. [1625.]

Province of Sinaloa.

Father Leandro Patifio of the Company of Jesus administers to

one thousand and four hundred persons at his mission 1400

Father Alberto Llarin of the Company of Jesus administers to

three thousand persons at his mission 3000

Father Martin de Aspilueta of the Company of Jesus administers

to two thousand five hundred and sixty-seven persons at his

mission 2S^7

Father Juan Calvo of the Company of Jesus administers to nine

hundred and twenty-two persons at his mission 922

Father Pedro Castin 59 of the Company of Jesus administers to six

thousand five hundred and seventy persons at his mission . . . 6570
Father Francisco Olivano of the Company of Jesus administers to

nine thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine persons at his

mission 9759

Father Diego Bandersipe of the Company of Jesus administers to

ten thousand persons at his mission 10000

Father Pedro Mendez of the Company of Jesus administers to

seven thousand two hundred and fifty persons at his mission. 7250
Father Juan de Cardenas of the Company of Jesus administers to

four thousand persons at his mission 4000

Father Thomas Basilio of the Company of Jesus administers to

five thousand and four hundred persons at his mission 54°°

Father Guillermo Oten of the Company of Jesus administers to

three thousand and eight hundred persons at his mission .... 3800

154 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

El padre Guillermo oten de la compafiia de Jesus Administra en su

mision tres mill y ochocientas personas 3800

El padre miguel gomez de la compafiia de Jesus Administra en su

mision cinco mill y quinientas personas 5500

El padre Juan barela de la compafiia de Jesus administra en su

mision diez mill Y quatrocientas personas 10400

El padre diego de la cruz de la compafiia de Jesus administra en su

mision cinco mill y quinientas personas 5500

El padre diego de Guzman de la compafiia de Jesus nobecientas

personas 900

El padre bias de paredes de la compafiia de Jesus mill y trescientas

y ochenta 1380

El padre ygnacio de zavala de la compafiia de Jesus mill y quini-
entas 1500

El padre bicente de la aguila de la compafiia de Jesus cinco mill

quinientas y ochenta 55&0

Real de Topia y su Juridicion.

En el Real de Thopia y su balle administran los padres fray cosme
martinez y fray Juan de medina de la horden de San fran-
cisco tres cientas y ochenta y quatro personas 384

En la quebrada administra el padre Guillermo de san clemente de

la compafiia de Jesus trescientas personas 300

En el paraxe de la estancia administra el padre bartolome toledano

de La compafiia de Jesus trescientas y ochenta y una personas 381

Valle de San Bartolome y Provincia de Sancta Barbara.

En el valle de san Bartolome y provincia de sancta barbara y sus
rancherias administran Los padres fray Juan de thorres ol-
guin y fray felipe de sosa de la horden de san francisco mill
y tres personas 1003

JURIDISCTON DE YNDEE.

En la jurisdiscion de yndee administran Los padres nicolas de es-
trada y Guillermo de solier de la compafiia de Jesus quinientas
y quatorze personas 514

DlSTRITO Y COMARCA DEL PRESIDIO DE SANCTA CaTALINA.

En el Presidio y distrito de sancta catalina administra el padre an-
dres Lopez y el padre burgos de la compafiia de Jesus seys-
cientas y treynta Y quatro personas 634

Valle de la Sauzeda y Canatan y su Juridiscion.

El padre fray francisco guerta de la horden del seftor san fran-
cisco administra tres cientas y diez y siete personas. ....... 317

Account of Baptised Indians, 1625 155

Father Miguel Gomez of the Company of Jesus administers to five

thousand and five hundred persons at his mission 5500

Father Juan Barela of the Company of Jesus administers to ten

thousand and four hundred persons at his mission 10400

Father Diego de la Cruz of the Company of Jesus administers to

five thousand and five hundred persons at his mission 5500

Father Diego de Guzman of the Company of Jesus [administers

to] nine hundred persons 1 900

Father Bias de Paredes of the Company of Jesus [administers to]

one thousand three hundred and eighty [persons] 1380

Father Ignacio de Zavala of the Company of Jesus [administers

to] one thousand and five hundred [persons] 1500

Father Vicente de la Aguila of the Company of Jesus [administers

to] five thousand five hundred and eighty [persons] 55^0

Real de Topia and its Jurisdiction.

In the real and valley of Topia Fathers Fray Cosme Martinez and
Fray Juan de Medina of the Order of Saint Francis administer
to three hundred and eighty four persons 384

At La Quebrada Father Guillermo de San Clemente of the Com-
pany of Jesus administers to three hundred persons 300

At La Estancia Father Bartolome Toledano of the Company of

Jesus administers to three hundred and eighty-one persons. . 381

Valley of San Bartolome and the Province of
Santa Barbara.

In the valley of San Bartolome and the province of Santa Bar-
bara and their rancherias Fathers Fray Juan de Torres Olguin
and Fray Felipe de Sosa of the Order of Saint Francis admin-
ister to one thousand and three persons 1003

Jurisdiction of Inde.

In the jurisdiction of Inde Fathers Nicolas de Estrada and Guil-
lermo de Solier of the Company of Jesus administer to five
hundred and fourteen persons 5*4

District and Neighboring Territory of the Presidio
of Santa Catalina.

In the presidio and district of Santa Catalina Father Andres Lopez
and Father Burgos of the Company of Jesus administer to six
hundred and thirty- four persons 634

Valley of La Sauceda and Canatan and its
Jurisdiction.

Father Fray Francisco Guerta of the Order of Saint Francis ad-
ministers to three hundred and seventeen persons 517

156 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Valle de San Juan del Rrio y su Juridiscion.

El padre fray pedro de aguilar y el padre fray Rodrigo de ovantes
de la horden de senor san francisco administran ducientas y
sesenta y nueve personas 269

Real de Quencame y su Juridiscion.

El padre fray alonso de ciguenza de la horden de san francisco

administra trecientas y quarenta y nueve personas 349

Juridiscion de San Francisco del Mezquital.

El Padre fray graviel serrano y el padre fray Agustin de avrego de
la horden de san francisco administran seyscientas y nueve
personas 609

GUAZAMOTA Y SU JURISDICION.

El padre fray francisco capillas de la horden de san francisco ad-
ministra seiscientas y ochenta y dos personas 682

DlSTRITO DE LA GUARDIANIA DE LA VlLLA DE DuRANGO.

El padre fray Alonso de Vaeza de la horden de san francisco Vi-
cario de los pueblos que administra el y el dicho conbento son
mill y setenta y una personas 1071

Real de Guanazabi y su Jurisdiccion.

El padre martin Larios y el padre Joseffe de Lomas de la com-
pafiia de Jesus administran Ducientas y sesenta y quatro per-
sonas 264

Real de Mapemi y su Jurisdiccion.

El Licenciado francisco silgado administra ciento y veinte y nuebe

yndios 129

Juridiscion de Parras y Laguna.

El Padre Alonso gomez de zervantes el padre mateo de castro
berde el padre martin de egurrola el padre diego de quellar
el padre miguel bernon el padre martin de brizuela de la com-
pania de jesus administran mill y quinientas y sesenta y nuebe
personas 1569

Probincia de Chiametla.

En la probincia de chiametla y su Jurisdicion administran el Licen-
ciado bartholome mexia de prado y el bachiller antonio Ruvio
f elix dos mill y ducientas y ochenta personas 2280

Account of Baptized Indians, 1625 157

Valley of San Juan del Rio and its Jurisdiction.

Father Fray Pedro de Aguilar and Father Fray Rodrigo de Ovan-
tes of the Order of Saint Francis administer to two hundred
and sixty-nine persons 269

Real de Cuencame and its Jurisdiction.

Father Fray Alonso de Ciguenza of the Order of Saint Francis ad-
ministers to three hundred and forty-nine persons 349

Jurisdiction of San Francisco del Mezquital.

Father Fray Gabriel Serrano and Father Fray Agustin de Abrego
of the Order of Saint Francis administer to six hundred and
nine persons 609

GUAZAMOTA AND ITS JURISDICTION.

Father Fray Francisco Capillas of the Order of Saint Francis ad-
ministers to six hundred and eighty-two persons 682

District of the Guardianship of the Town of
Durango.

Father Fray Alonso de Baeza of the Order of Saint Francis, vicar
of the pueblos which he administers to, he and the said con-
vent [administer to] one thousand and seventy-one persons. . 1071

Real de Guanazabi and its Jurisdiction.

Father Martin Larios and Father Josef de Lomas of the Company

of Jesus administer to two hundred and sixty- four persons. . 264

Real de Mapimi and its Jurisdiction.

The licenciado Francisco Silgado administers to one hundred and

twenty-nine Indians .- 129

Jurisdiction of Parras and Laguna.

Father Alonso Gomez de Cervantes, Father Mateo de Castro
Verde, Father Martin de Egurrola, Father Diego de Ouellar,
Father Miguel Vernon, Father Martin de Brizuela, of the
Company of Jesus, administer to one thousand five hundred
and sixty-nine persons 1 5°9

Province of Chiametla.

In the province of Chiametla and its jurisdiction, the licenciado
Bartolome Mexia de Prado and the bachiller Antonio Rubio
Felix administer to two thousand two hundred and eighty
persons 22&°

158 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Sierra de San Andres y San Polito y su Jurisdiscion.

El padre diego de queto de la compafiia de Jesus y el padre Juan de
mallen y el padre pedro Gravina y el padre Juan del castillo
administran cinco mill y trescientas y ochenta Personas 53&0

Provincia de Taraumares y su Jurisdiscion.

Los naturales desta no se save La cantidad que son Porque asta
hoy no an tenido Dotrina esta es la provincia adelante de la de
sancta barbola son yndios que bienen a trabaxar a el valle de
san bartolome de continue

Salineros.

Esta nacion esta unida con otras tres que son tobosos coclames,
nonoxes que todas quatro de hordinario andan Juntas y con-
gregadas asisten y avitan a treynta Leguas de La provincia
de sancta Varbola Jamas an admitiado Dotrina ay Gran suma
de ellos.

Provincia del Nagarita.

Esta Provincia Empieza desde el distrito de La de Guazamota y a
ella an llegado algunos espanoles y no an Rescivido dano y
Tanvien son yndios domesticos y de las rancherias mas cer-
canas a la provincia de Guazamota Salen algunos yndios a
travajar Con los espanoles de la villa del nombre de dios Valle
de suchil Y Lapoana Es Grande esta provincia no se sabe la
cantidad que tiene.

Todo lo qual Es nueba Vizcaya Y de todos Los christianos que Van
en esta Region quedan en poder del governador y Capitan General
Matheo de Vesga Los originales ffirmados de las Justicias donde las ay
y Religiosos de todas las hordenes y Venefficiados.v

Al presidente de Guadalaxara sobre el modo de escrivir cartas a Su
Magestad.™ [Febrero 12 de 1642. ~]

Licenciado Don Pedro Fernandez de Vaesa alcalde de mi cassa y Corte,
Juez de mis obras y Vosques Reales a quien he proveido Por presidente
de mi Audiencia Real de la ciudad de Guadalaxara de la Provincia de la
Nueva Galicia — Porque de no venir las cartas que me escriven de essas
provincias y los Recados que los acompanan con la claridad y distincion
que conviene suele causar y causa mucha Confusion al tiempo de verse,

v F. R. B., Sevilla, Aug. 22, 1914.
* A. G. I., 103-3- 1.

Form of Letters, 1624 159

Sierra of San Andres and San Polito and its
Jurisdiction.

Father Diego de Queto of the Company of Jesus, Father Juan de
Mallen, Father Pedro Gravina, and Father Juan del Castillo
administer to five thousand three hundred and eighty persons . 5380

Province of Taraumares and its Jurisdiction.

The number of the natives of this province is not known, for up
to the present time they have not had religious instruction.
It is the province beyond that of Santa Barbara. These In-
dians come regularly to work in the valley of San Bartolome.

Salineros.

This nation is combined with three others — the Tobosos, the
Coclames, and the Nonoxes — and all four usually travel to-
gether and live in a body thirty leagues from the province of
Santa Barbara. They have never accepted religious instruc-
tion. There is a great number of them.

Province of Nagarita.

This province begins from the district of Guazamota. Some
Spaniards have gone there and have received no injury.
Also the Indians are domesticated, and from the rancherias
nearest the province of Guazamota some of them go out to
work for the Spaniards of the town of Nombre de Dios, Valle
de Suchil, and Lapoana. This is a large province, but the
number of people it contains is not known.

Such is Nueva Vizcaya, and the total of all the Christians who are in
this region. The original [records], signed by the justices, where there
are any, by the religious of the orders, and by the beneficiaries, are under
the authority of the governor and captain-general, Mateo de Vesga.

To the president of Guadalajara, concerning the form [to be observed] in
writing letters to his Majesty. [February 12, 1642.]

Licenciado Don Pedro Fernandez de Baesa,60 alcalde of my house and
court, justice of royal construction and forests, whom I have named as
president of my royal audiencia, of the city of Guadalajara, in the prov-
ince of Nueva Galicia : For the reason that the letters which you write
me from those provinces, and the records which accompany them, do not
have the clarity and distinctness desired, and habitually cause great con-
fusion when the time comes to consider them and answer them, it is essen-
tial that in future you should use a more suitable style in drawing them
up. [Therefore,] I have decided to order and command you, as I do, that

160 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

y Responder ha ellas y es necessario de aqui adelante aya formas estilo
mas conveniente para su expedicion He resuelto ordenaros y mandaros
(como lo hago) que quando me escrivieredes en cosas de Justicia, y otras
qualesquiera que se ofrescan lo hagays con mucha distention separando
las materias. Con carta particular de Cada Una a media marjen; y que
en la otra media Venga sacada Relacion sumaria de Lo que contiene La
carta o Capitulos que tubiere Lo mas sustancial que sea posible y en
manera que se pueda determinar por ella lo que Conbenga numerando los
Capitulos, y intitulando Los Recados que con ellas binieren de forma que
llame lo uno a lo otro, y para que observen y guarden precisamente el
estilo los Governadores y Alcaldes mayores del distrito de essa haudi-
enssia dareis las ordenes que fueren necesarias porque la diversidad
grande que ordinariamente ocurre a mi consejo Real de las Yndias de
negocios Cartas y Papeles que bienen de essas partes, sin el estilo que
piden las materias obliga a toda esta prevention y las cartas que me
escrivieredes que an de ser solamente Las precisas, inescusables, se an
de dirijir al dicho mi conssejo en manos de mi ssecretario de el y no por
otra via con las quales hareis que se remita Un indice que por mayor de-
clare sus materias, y para que en Sus breves datos se sepa lo que son;
y espero de Vuestras obligaciones que pondreis en la ejecucion de lo re-
ferido el cuidado que convenga . . . Febrero 12 de 1642. Yo el Rey.x

Al Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya guarde las cedulas que estan dadas,
para que no se hagan esclavos a los Yndios Y los conserven en paz
quietud Y Justiciar [Madrid, 30 de Noviembre de 1647.]

El Rey. Mi Governador y Capitan General de la Provincia de la Nueva
Vizcaya — en mi conssejo Real de las Indias se ha entendido que essa pro-
vincia confina con las naciones barvaras que caen a la Vanda de Sinaloa,
Tepeguanes Salineros y otros que son de guerra aunque ordinariamente
Viven de paz Y que estando en ella fueron a tratar con ellos los Alcaldes
maiores y doctrineros bendiendo y llevando los hijos a que sirviessen en
las minas y en otras partes dandolos por esclavos o ofreciendolos como
de pressente que es lo mismo y resulto de esto el comengarsse a inquietar
y castigallos el Governador don Luis de Valdes con destemplanga y contra
la fee publica que pues haviendo los llamado a la doctrina prendio y
arcabuceo a algunos con que se algaron tomaron las armas y flechas y
hicieron algunas correrias se abrieron mis mis cajas y me a costado mas
de cinquenta mill pesos el quietarlos y no lo estan del todo y que es muy
conveniente a mi servicio Y a su quietud el mandar apretadamente No se
hagan esclavos a los Yndios Barbaras ni los embien por Via de pressente
a nadie ni a servir a parte alguna contra su Voluntad quando estan en paz
Y no se prenden en buena guerra ; Y haviendose Visto por los del dicho

* F. R. B., Sevilla.

y A. G. I., 103-3-1. The original, or a copy of the original, of this document is in
A. G. I., 144-1-15.

Treatment of Indians, 1647 161

when you write to me concerning matters of justice, or anything else that
may present itself, you do so with great distinctness, keeping the various
topics separate. Write your letter for each topic on half the page, and on
the other half let there appear a brief abstract of the contents of the letter,
or of the chapters, made as concise as possible, and in such a manner that
from the abstract one may decide what needs to be done. Number the
chapters, and give titles to the records which accompany your letters in
such a way as to show how they correspond. And in order that the gov-
ernors and alcaldes mayores of the district of that audiencia may observe
and follow the same form precisely, you will give the necessary orders.
For the great diversity [in form] which frequently is observed by my
royal Council of the Indies in the records, letters, and papers, which come
from those parts without the form demanded by the subject-matter, makes
this warning necessary. The letters which you may write to me, which
should be only those which are absolutely necessary, are to be directed to
my said Council in care of my secretary of the same, and not to any other
address. With them send an index of their contents which in general may
show the subject-matter, so that one may know from the brief data given
what these contents are. I hope that you will, according to your obligation,
exercise proper care in complying with the above. February 12, 1642.
I the King.

To the governor of Nueva Vizcaya; ordering him to observe the cedulas
which have been issued in order that the Indians may not be enslaved,
that they may be kept peaceful and quiet, and that they may be
accorded justice. [Madrid, November 30, 1647.]

The King. To my governor and captain-general of the province of
Nueva Vizcaya : It has been learned in my royal Council of the Indies
that that province adjoins the barbarous nations which live along the
boundary of Sinaloa — the Tepeguanes, Salineros, and others — who are
now at war,61 though they are usually at peace ; that while they were so
at peace, there went among them to trade certain alcaldes mayores and
religious instructors who carried off and sold their children to serve in
the mines and elsewhere, disposing of them as slaves or giving them as
presents, which amounts to the same thing. As a result they became dis-
quieted, and the governor, Don Luis de Valdes,62 began to punish them
immoderately and without regard for the public faith, for, after calling
them to attend religious instruction, he seized and shot some of them.
Thereupon they revolted, took up their arms and arrows, and made some
raids ; they broke into my treasury, and it has cost me over 50,000 pesos
to pacify them, although they are not entirely quieted yet. It is very fit-
ting to my service and to their peace to command strictly that the barbar-
ous Indians shall not be made slaves nor sent as presents to anyone, nor
made to serve anywhere against their will when they are at peace and
are not taken in open war.

162 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

mi consejo atendiendo a lo referido y a lo mucho que desseo la conserva-
tion paz Y quietud de los Yndios y que en ninguna manera Sean Vejados
molestados ni dados por esclavos con ningun pretexto pues si se berifi-
casse ser cierta esta relacion Sin duda se me abria deservido mucho en
ello y deseando poner el Remedio conveniente e tenido por bien de dar
la presente por la qual os mando atendais mucho a guardar precissa y
puntualmente lo dispuesto en las cedulas que estan dadas para que no
se hagan esclavos a los Yndios ni los ocasionen ninguna turbacion en essa
provincia por los Alcaldes mayores doctrineros ni otra perssona alguna
antes los acaricien y traten con toda blandura y benignidad y conserven
en paz quietud Y Justicia porque de lo contrario me dare por deservido
y tomare de Una vez la resolucion que mas combenga contra los trans-
gressores de las dichas mis cedulas y en Reciviendo esta me ynformareis
del estado en que se hallan estas turbaciones y Vos de Vuestra parte
haveis de procurar con los medios de suabidad que pudieredes tener essos
naturales sosegados y quietos procurandoles alijerar las cargas Y excusar-
les las molestias tratando solo de su conservacion y de inclinarlos a toda
buena conformidad para que reciven mejor la doctrina y ensenanga de
nuestra Santa fee chatolica y si en esto os adelantaredes a Vuestros ante-
cessors me tendre por servido de ello y hare merced : — fecha en Madrid
a 30 de Noviembre de 1647 — Yo el Rey.z etc.

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana que ym forme sobre el Presidio, que havisa
combiene formar de nuebo el Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya?
[Madrid, 18 de Enero de 1648.]

El Rey. Mi Virrey . . . Don Luis de Valdez mi Governador, y Capi-
tan General de la Nueva Vizcaya, en carta que me escrivis en 26 de
febrero de 646 anos, dize, entre otras cosas, la guerra que le han hecho
los Yndios algados, de aquella provincia, y los robos y muertes que an
causado y grandes gastos que se han hecho y que ha reducido a la paz
mas de dos mil, muerto y aorcado ciento y cinquenta, lo qual a obrado
con la assistencia del dinero y gente, que le embiastes, y con lo mucho que
el a gastado y suplido y para establecer en aquella Provincia, La paz de
los Yndios es muy conveniente que se forme un Presidio, nuebo, en el
Paraje del Cerro Gordo que es el Camino Real que ay desde el Parral a
esa Ziudad, sobre lo cual os havia escripto, y ha guardava vuestra Reso-
lucion, para disponerlo sin costa de mi Real hazienda, relaxando algunas
plazas de otros Presidios de aquel Reyno, y anidiendolas en este, por ser
tan necesario por freno de los Yndios, y que gesen Las guerras Ziviles,
Y Haviendose Visto por los de mi Consejo Real de las Yndias con lo que
sobre ello pidio mi fiscal en el, porque para tomar resolucion en este punto
conviene a mi servicio saver con toda distincion y claridad, si es justo y

z F. R. B., Sevilla.
aA. G. L, 103-3-1-

Presidio of Cerro Gordo, 1648 163

The matter having been considered by the members of my Council,
in the light of the foregoing and of my great desire for the peace and
quietude of the Indians, and that they should be in no way vexed, molested,
or given as slaves under any pretext soever — for if this account be true
I have without doubt been very badly served — I, desiring to bring about
a suitable reform, have thought well to issue the present order, whereby
I command you to observe precisely and faithfully the provisions of the
cedulas which have been issued commanding that the Indians shall not
be enslaved nor given any cause for disturbance in that province by the
alcaldes mayores, religious instructors, or any other person, but that they
shall rather be petted, treated with all kindness and benignity, kept in
peace and quiet, and accorded just treatment. For if this is not done I
shall consider myself ill served, and shall at once take proper steps against
the violators of my cedulas. Upon your receipt of this you will report to
me the state of these disturbances, and on your own part, you will en-
deavor by all the mild measures of which you can avail yourself to keep
those natives peaceful and quiet; endeavor to lighten their burdens and
relieve them of troubles, looking solely to preserving them and inclining
them to the proper submission so that they may more readily receive
the doctrine and instruction in our holy Catholic faith. If you excel your
predecessors in this work I shall consider myself well served thereby, and
I will reward you. Dated at Madrid, November 30, 1647. I THE King.

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to report concerning the
presidio which the governor of Nueva Vizcaya recommends to be
established anew. [Madrid, January 18, 1648.]

The. King. My viceroy:63 ... A letter which you wrote to me on
February 26, 1646, recounts, among other things, the war which the
revolted Indians of Nueva Vizcaya have waged against Don Luis
Valdes,64 my governor and captain-general of that province, the rob-
beries and murders which they have committed, and the enormous ex-
pense which they have caused, and states that he has reduced to peace over
2000 of them, and has killed and hanged 150 of them. This he has effected
by the aid of men and money which you have sent him. And [he says
that] in view of the great amount which he has spent and in order to
establish peace among the Indians of that province, it is very desirable
to establish a new presidio at the place called Cerro Gordo on the royal
highway which leads from Parral to that city. He had written to you
concerning the project, and has awaited your decision for carrying it out,
without cost to my real hacienda, by releasing some men from the other
presidios of that kingdom and congregating them in a new one, a measure
highly necessary to check the Indians and put an end to civil wars. The
matter having been considered by the members of my royal Council of
the Indies together with the recommendation of the fiscal concerning it
[it was decided that], in order for them to pass upon the matter, it is
conducive to my service for them to know definitely and clearly whether
12

164 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

combeniente, a el y a la quietud y conservacion de aquella Provincia, paz
y sosiego de los Yndios della, que se forme de nuebo el Presidio que pro-
pone el dicho Governador de que numero de gente de Ynfanteria o Cava-
lleria a de ser, lo que ymportara cada ano, su gasto y de que Presidio se
podra sacar, sin que haga falta, y en que parte, y Lugar, sera mejor pon-
erlo, y si habra algunos efectos que no se han de mi hazienda que aplicar
a esto, o si seria superfluo, y sin necessidad, este Presidio, que se propone,
pues parece que en tantos afios, se a podido governar aquella Provincia y
Casso que todavia Combenga, expresareis con mucha claridad, las ragones
y f undamentos que hubiere para formalle, y de donde y con que hazienda
se podra hazer sin gasto de la mia por el aprieto pressente de las Cossas,
y las combeniencias, e ynconvenientes, que de Uno, U otro pueden resul-
tar a quien y por que Causa, y Ragon os mando, que en la primera ocasion
que se os ofresca, me informeis, sobre todo muy individual Y distinta-
mente, con Vuestro parecer para que Visto por los del dicho mi consejo
se provea lo mas conveniente y necessario fecha en Madrid a 18 de henero
de 1648 — Yo EL REY.b

Respuesta al President e de Guadalaxara ssobre Un papel que remitio, que
le dio un Religioso de San francisco ssobre materias de Religion Con-
versions y Contribuciones que los Yndios hacen al barbaro Maiarita.0
[Madrid, 30 de Noviembre de 1649.']

El Rey. Licenciado Pedro perez de baeza Pressidente de mi audiencia
Real de la ciudad de Guadalaxara provincia de la nueva Galicia la carta
que me escribistes en 13 de abril de este ano y el papel que os dio un Re-
ligioso orden de San francisco ssobre materias de Religion conversiones
y contribuciones que los yndios hacen al barbaro maiarita y decis enviareis
un Oidor para que visite aquel distrito y otras cosas que en ella referis
cerca de esto se a recibido y visto en mi conssejo Real de las yndias y a
parecido ordenaros y mandaros como lo hago que al dicho provincial le
agradecais el celo y atencion con que en esto ha obrado y le encargneis
lo continue y por lo que os toca a Vos y esa mi audiencia cuidareis mucho
de acudir a conseguir el bien universal de los yndios con la atencion y
buen modo que para estos pareciere mas conveniente y me yreis dando
quenta de lo que fuereis obrando en estas materias de madrid a 30 de
noviembre de 1649 Yo el Rey por mandado del Rey nuestro Sefior Juan
Baptist a Saenz Navarrete y sefialada de los del Conssejo.

* F. R. B., Sevilla.
CA. G. L, 144-1-15-

Maiarita, 1649- 105

it is proper and advantageous for my service, and likewise for the quiet
and preservation of that province and the peace and tranquillity of the
Indians, to establish anew the presidio which the governor proposes; of
what number of infantry or cavalry it will cost each year; from what
presidio the garrison may be drawn without causing a deficiency ; in what
region and place it would be best to locate it ; whether there are any sums
not pertaining to my treasury which can be applied to this purpose ; and
whether this proposed presidio is superfluous and unnecessary. For it
appears that it has been possible to govern that province for many years
without it. But in case you think that it is, nevertheless, desirable, you
will indicate clearly the reasons and needs which may exist for its foun-
dation, and from what funds it may be built without drawing from
mine — because of the existing stringency of affairs.65 You will also point
out the advantages or disadvantages which may result from either decision,
and to whom and why such results may ensue. I therefore command you
to report to me at your first opportunity concerning the entire matter
minutely and clearly, submitting your own opinion, in order that, the
matter being considered by the members of my said Council, that which
is necessary and convenient may be ordered. Dated at Madrid, Janu-
ary 18, 1648. I the King.

Reply to the president of Guadalajara concerning a document that he sent,
which was given to him by a religious of the Order of Saint Francis,
relative to affairs of religion, conversions, and the contributions which
the Indians pay to the barbarian Maiarita. [Madrid, November jo,
1649.I

The King. Licenciado Pedro Perez de Baeza,66 president of my royal
Audiencia of the city of Guadalajara in the province of Nueva Galicia :
The letter which you wrote to me on April 13 of this year, and the paper
which a religious of the Order of Saint Francis gave to you concerning
matters of religion, conversions, and the contributions which the Indians
pay to the barbarian Maiarita, and in which you say that you will send
an oidor to visit that district, and refer to other related matters, has been
received and considered by my royal Council of the Indies. It has seemed
well to order and command you, as I do, to thank the provincial for the
zeal and application with which he has labored in this matter, and to
charge him to continue. As for your duty and that of my audiencia, you
will endeavor to secure the entire welfare of the Indians with all the
attention and wise means deemed most fitting, and you will continue to
report to me what you are doing in these matters. Dated at Madrid,
November 30, 1649. I THE >King. By command of the king, our lord.
Juan Bautista Saenz Navarrete. Signed by the members of the
Council.

166 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Ynforme que hace El Padre C.d fray lorengo Canto e Religioso de la
Serdphica Orden de nuestro Padre San francisco A el Senor Don
Diego Guajardo fajardo Governador y capitan general de el Reyno
de la Vizcaya, y sus probincias, y a los religiosos Prelados y Supe-
riores de la dicha Orden.f [Santiago de Babonoyaba, 21 de Mayo de
1650.I

Senor: Lunes que se contaron nuebe de este mes de mayo, sali de este
convento y Pueblo de Santiago babonoyaba, en compania de el padre
Guardian fray Hernando de Orbaneja y de don joan de la cruz Gover-
nador general de todas las naciones de naturales, conchos y tarahumares
para la entrada que se me ordeno y mando assi por Vuestra Senoria Como
por mi prelado Provincial El Reverendo Padre fray christobal Palomino.

Este dia llegamos a el pueblo y Doctrina de Sancta Ysavel de nuestra
administracion, que ay de un pueblo a otro, ocho buenas leguas.

Martes diez de el dicho mes de mayo nos detubimos en este paraje
porque nos amenacaba mal tiempo.

Miercoles once le higo bueno, y salimos de Santa isabel a el pueblo y
Doctrina de San andres que ay cinco leguas desde Santa Ysabel a esta.

Juebes salimos de San Andres (a doze) Para el pueblo y Doctrina de
San bernave : que ay por el camino que fuimos de este San Andres a este,
seis leguas grandes : En este pueblo de San bernave estubimos un dia, por
registrar y mirar bien los puestos que los tiene muy buenos.

Sabado salimos de san bernabe, y fuimos a san gregorio yaguna, que
ay desde aquel pueblo a este nuebe leguas, y no son cortas. En este pueblo
y Doctrina de San Gregorio yaguna estubimos el dia que llegamos, y todo
el domingo siguiente. Y aqui se juntaron lo mas de la gente del pueblo
de san Diego, con su casique llamado don lorengo que ay de uno al otro
pueblo seis leguas, segun el buen in forme que me higo el padre fray Her-
nando como quien tan trabajado y tan tocado lo tiene en tiempo de tantos
afios.

En el pueblo de san bernabe hice nonbre de Dios baptigando diez y siete
criaturas y bele a la muger del hijo de el casique de dicho pueblo llamado
Don bernabe; y por aver sido aqui el principio de la administracion de
dichos dos santos Sacramentos le puse Por nonbre a dicho Pueblo san
bernabe del nonbre de Dios.

En el pueblo de san gregorio baptice treinta y siete criaturas que ac-
tualmente avia juntas asi de este pueblo como de el de san Diego con que
son en numero los baptigados cinquenta y quatro.

Para Volvernos salimos de ayaguna lunes diez y seis de dicho mes de
mayo; y aviendonos llovido muncho continuadamente en siete leguas de
camino, llegamos a san bernabe a buena ora.

Y martes en este pueblo en compania de el Padre Guardian referido,
y de don joan Governador general, y pasamos de la otra vanda de el rio,
a donde encima de una ladera que se senorea todo aquel hermoso vallecillo,

d It is not clear for what this abbreviation stands ; it might stand for " Catholico ",
or for " Christiano ".

e Elsewhere in this document this name appears as " Cantu ".
« A. G. L, 66-6-18.

Lorenzo Cantu, 1650 167

Report which Father Fray Lorenzo Cantu, a religious of the Seraphic
Order of our Father Saint Francis, makes to Senor Don Diego
Guajardo Fa jar do, governor and captain-general of the kingdom of
Nueva Vizcaya and its provinces, and to the religious, prelates, and
superiors of the said order. [Santiago de Babonoyaba, May 21,
1650.]

Sir: On Monday, the ninth of this month of May, I set out from this
convent and town of Santiago Babonoyaba, in company with the father
guardian, Fray Hernando de Orbaneja, and Don Juan de la Cruz,
governor-general of all the Conchos and Tarahumares nations, upon the
expedition which I was ordered and commanded to make by your lord-
ship and by my provincial prelate, Reverend Father Fray Cristobal
Palomino.

The same day we arrived at the town and doctrina of Santa Ysabel,
which lies within our jurisdiction. The distance from one town to the
other is eight good leagues.

Tuesday, the tenth of the said month of May, we remained in this
place because bad weather was threatening us.

Wednesday, the eleventh, the weather was good, and we set out from
Santa Ysabel for the town and doctrina of San Andres. It is five leagues
from Santa Ysabel to San Andres.

Thursday we set out from San Andres at twelve o'clock, for the town
and doctrina of San Bernabe. By the road which we went, the distance
from San Andres to this town is six long leagues. We stayed in this town
of San Bernabe one day in order to examine and observe closely the loca-
cations [ for a mission] . It has very good ones.

Saturday we set out from San Bernabe and went to San Gregorio
Yaguna; the distance from that town to this is nine leagues, and they
are not short. In this town and doctrina of San Gregorio Yaguna we
remained all of the day upon which we arrived, and all of the following
Sunday. Here gathered the greater part of the people of San Diego, with
their chief named Don Lorenzo. The pueblos are six leagues distant from
each other, according to the credible report given to me by Father Fray
Hernando, who is well informed by reason of his labor and his experi-
ence of so many years.

In the town of San Bernabe I began my labors by baptizing seventeen
infants, and I pronounced the nuptial benediction for the wife of the
son of the chief of this town, named Don Bernabe. Because this place
was the scene of the beginning of the administration of these two holy
sacraments, I gave to the said town the name of San Bernabe del Nombre
de Dios.

In the town of San Gregorio I baptized thirty-seven infants who were
there gathered from this town, as well as from San Diego. Counting
these, the number of those baptized is now fifty- four.

In order to return we set out from Ayaguna on Monday the sixteenth
of the said month of May. After it had rained on us continuously for
seven leagues, we reached San Bernabe at a seasonable time.

Tuesday, in this town, in company with the Father Guardian and Don
Juan, the governor-general, we crossed to the other side of the river to a

168 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

senale personalmente sitio. Para iglesia y convento y por no aver de
presente otro ministro de justicia que en nombre de su magestad me
diesse la posesion rogue a dicho governador don joan de la cruz me la
diera como me la dio Estando presente el casique y Governador de dicho
pueblo, Don bernabe, y don pedro casique y Governador de el pueblo de
san Andres, y don francisco asimesmo casique de el pueblo de san Andres
los quales tres casiques con otro llamado don Diego fueron acomparian-
donos a la'ida y a la buelta con mucho gusto y se mostraron muy leales
basallos de su magestad Y por los grandes regosijos y festejos que a
nuestro recibimiento hicieron los naturales de los pueblos de san Andres
san bernabe, y san gregorio yaguna, y los que se juntaron en este de el
pueblo de san diego jusgamos estar en buena disposicion sus animos para
recibir nuestra santa fe catholica; y las demostraciones que todos estos
barbaros de esto dieron y lo que pidieron a los interpretes que nos diessen
a entender; fue que todos estos regocijos que hacian y el gusto que mos-
traban era por averles ya cumplido sus grandes deseos que tenian de verse
administrados y que asistiessen en sus pueblos y tierras los Padres y
Religiosos de nuestro Padre San francisco que entre ellos comunmente
nos Hainan los Padres blancos y del avito bianco. Y notesse que a todos
los bailes y a nuestro recibimiento casi ninguno de estos pueblos indio
ninguno trujo area ni flechas ni otra ninguna de sus armas esecion que
noto mucho el padre Guardian fray Hernando de Orbaneja como tan
esperimentado, y el Governador don joan con sus soldados conchos que
le acompanaban Sefial cierta de que estan quietos y pacificos en sus pue-
blos. Dios Nuestro Senor les conserbe en ella para honrra y gloria suia
y ensalgamiento de su sancta fe catholica y extencion de los reynos y
monarquia de nuestro Rey y Senor phelipe quarto que Dios guarde
muchos anos.

En este puesto y Pueblo Senor Governador y duefio mio pienso asistir
y continuar, la posesion que se a dado edificando templo Para Dios y casa
y convento en que poder vivir asi yo el tiempo que mi Religion y la santa
Obediencia me lo permitiere como los demas religiossos mis hermanos
que me sucedieren. El intento que me movio a tener la asistencia en este
pueblo y puesto de san bernabe nombre de Dios fue en aver hallado y
visto en el muy buenas comodidades de materiales asi de maderas como de
piedra y otros para poder edificar y para poder acudir a la administracion
de los Santos Sacramentos a los pobres naturales de las poblaciones y
rancherias de san gregorio yaguna San Diego San Antonio San Mathias
y Santo Thomas y Santa cruz que vendran a estar en contorno de dicho
convento veinte o veinte y quatro leguas poco mas o menos que tendre
a mi cargo y cuidado interin que los prelados enviaren mas ministros y
obreros porque Realmente senor que la mies es mucha y si su magestad
Dios le guarde no nos socorre con sus ayudas de costas se pasara muy
mal, o no se podra vivir Porque la gente es pobrisima y la tierra nueba
y hasta aora no se sabe con certidambre si Dios tiene criados en ella al-
gunos tesoros y minerales.

Y porque estos g de proximo para ir a el Parral a besar su mano a
Vuestra Senoria y vocalmente hacer la relacion de todo, y debajo de todo

e Obviously a miscopy for " estoy ".

Lorenzo Cantu, 1650 169

place where I personally indicated a building site for a church and monas-
tery on the top of a slope which dominates all the beautiful little valley.
As there was present no other person possessing the powers of magis-
tracy to give me the site in the name of his Majesty, I asked the governor,
Don Juan de la Cruz, to do so. This he did, in the presence of the gover-
nor of the said town, Don Bernabe, Don Pedro, chief and governor of
the town of San Andres, and Don Francisco, also a cacique of the town
of San Andres. These three chiefs, with another called Don Diego, had
gladly accompanied us on our journey, both going and coming, and
showed themselves very loyal vassals of his Majesty. Judging from the
great rejoicing and the entertainments given for our reception by the
natives of the towns of San Andres, San Bernabe, and San Gregorio
Yaguna, and from the number of them who gathered in this town of
San Diego, we considered that their spirits were kindly disposed toward
the reception of our holy Catholic faith. The demonstrations which all
these barbarians gave of this, and the requests which they made through
the interpreters, gave us to understand that all their entertainments and
all the pleasure which they manifested were because they had achieved
their great desire to be ministered unto by and to have resident in their
towns and lands the fathers and religious of our holy Father Saint
Francis, whom they commonly call, among themselves the white fathers,
or the fathers of the white habit. It was noticeable that at all their dances
and at our reception there was hardly an Indian present in any of these
towns with bow and arrows or any other weapon — a fact which was
noted in particular by Father Guardian Fray Hernando de Orbaneja, a
man of considerable experience, and by Don Juan, the governor, with
his Conchos soldiers who accompanied him. This was a sure sign that
they were at peace and quiet in their towns ; may God preserve them in
it for his honor and glory and the exaltation of his holy Catholic faith
and the extension of the kingdoms and monarchy of our king and lord,
Philip IV.,67 whom may God guard many years.

In this post and town, my lord, governor, and master, I intend to reside
and maintain the possession which has been conceded, by erecting a tem-
ple to God and a house and monastery in which I may be able to live for
the time which my religion and holy obedience shall permit, as well as my
other brother religious who shall succeed me. The motive which led me
to take up my abode in this town and post of San Bernabe Nombre de
Dios was that I had found and seen in it good supplies of materials both
of wood and stone and other things for building, and facilities for ad-
ministering the holy sacraments to the poor natives of the towns and
villages of San Gregorio Yaguna, San Diego, San Antonio, San Matias,
Santo Tomas, and Santa Cruz, which lie about this monastery within a
radius of twenty or twenty-four leagues more or less, and which I shall
have in my charge and care until the prelates send more ministers and
laborers. For truly, my lord, the harvest is abundant, and if his Majesty,
whom God protect, does not aid us with funds to meet expenses we shall
suffer greatly and may not even be able to live, since the people are very
poor, the land new, and it is not known yet of a certainty whether God
has created any treasure or precious metals in it.

170 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

secreto natural pedirle el remedio de algunas cosas que necesitan de el y
muncho, no soy mas largo guarde nuestro Senor a Vuestra Sefioria y
dexe ver con muncho gusto y salud que le deseo fTecha en este pueblo de
Santiago babonoyaba mayo veinte y uno de mill y seiscientos y cinquenta
anos Capellan perpetuo de Vuestra Sefioria que su mano beso Fray
Lorenco Cantu.

Respuesta at Govemador de la Nueva vizcaia sobre la reducion de los
Yndios de Sonora.h [Madrid, 27 de Marzo de 165 1.~]

El Rey. Don Diego Guaxardo faxardo mi governador y cappitan gen-
eral de las provincias de la Nueva Vizcaya en cartas que me escribisteis
en diez y nueve de Henero de seiscientos y cin-
quenta decis que estando en la pacificacion de la
provincia de taraumares deespachasteis por jus-
ticia mayor y cappitan de guerra de la Sonora a

Duplicose Abril 165 1

simon lasso de la vega con orden de que por aquella parte hiciesse fron-
tera al enemigo por ella reconociesse toda la tierra que pudiesse y la fuesse
reduciendo a mi servicio en que a puesto la diligencia con veinte y que a
no tener los ynpedimientos y contradicion que hace el cappitan del presidio
de cinaloa que haviendo sido su fundacion sujeta a este govierno Mis
Virreyes de la Nueva Espana an advocado en si el proveerle con tacita
permission de Vuestros Antecessores y no teniendo mas jurisdicion que
la de el presidio procuran Ampliarla y entroducirsse con potestad en la
provincia de Sonora originando algunas competencias que malogravan la
ocasion y para que cesse este ynconveniente me suplicais fuesse servido de
declarar a quien pertenece el govierno de aquellas provincias para que
cada uno se contengan en los limites que le tocan pues redujisteis a paz
y a mi obediencia la de taraumares, es tan dilatada y tantos sus naturales
que se havian suscitado algunas centellas de passion en los malcontentos
y an procurado ynquietarla de nuevo y a no haverles dejado el freno de
la Villa de aguilar os huvieran dado cuidado y aviais aplicado el posible
para sosegarlos y teneis pressos a los que movian la inquietud y aveis
despachado personas que estan entendiendo en el Remedio y esperais
ponerle de suerte que no passe adelante el dano. Y Haviendose visto por
los de mi conssejo Real de las yndias a parecido deciros que se cree que
en esto aveis cuidado de lo que os toca y assi lo prosiguireis en lo de
adelante que en ello me sirvireis de Madrid a 27 de margo de 165 1 anos
Yo el Rey Por mandado del Rey nuestro senor Juan Bautista Saenz
Navarrete. Y seiialada de los del conssejo.

hA. G. I., 144-1-15.

Duplicated, April, 165 1

Indians of Sonora, 1651 171

Inasmuch as I am about ready to go to Parral to kiss your lordship's
hand and make a verbal report concerning everything and ask you in all
secrecy to remedy certain things which greatly need rectifying, I shall
not write more. May our Lord guard your lordship and permit me to
see you in pleasure and good health as I desire. Done in this town of
Santiago Babonoyaba, May 21, 1650. Your lordship's permanent chap-
lain, who kisses your hand, Fray Lorenzo Cantu.

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya concerning the reduction of the
Indians of Sonora. [Madrid, March 2/, 1651.]

The King. Don Diego Guajardo Fajardo,68 my governor and captain-
general of the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya : In letters which you wrote
to me on January 19, 1650, you say that while
engaged in the pacification of the province of
Tarahumara 69 you sent as justicia mayor and
captain of war of Sonora, Simon Laso de la Vega,
with orders to confront the enemy in that province, to reconnoitre all the
land that he could, and reduce it to my service, which undertaking he
began on the twentieth, and [you ask] that he be spared the obstructions
and opposition which the captain of the presidio of Sinaloa offers. [You
say] that this presidio [since] its foundation has been subject to this
government [Nueva Vizcaya], but that my viceroys of New Spain have
arrogated to themselves the garrisoning of it, with the tacit permission
of your predecessors, and they, having no wider jurisdiction than the
presidio, are endeavoring to extend their jurisdiction and to establish
their authority in the province of Sonora, thereby giving rise to some
conflicts which complicated the situation. In order that the irregularity
shall cease, you beg me to be pleased to declare to whom belongs the gov-
ernment of those provinces, in order that each one may restrain himself
within the limits which belong to him. For [you say that] you who re-
duced the province of the Tarahumares to peace and obedience to me,
a province so wide and with so many natives who have been incited by
flashes of passion among some malcontents, who have again attempted
to disturb it, that if they had not been stopped by the check upon them
presented by the town of Aguilar, they would have caused you consid-
erable trouble, that you have exerted yourself as much as possible to quiet
them, that you hold prisoners those who caused the disturbances, that you
have sent persons who are engaged in improving the situation, and that
you hope to effect reforms whereby the damage may be prevented in
future. The matter having been considered by the members of my royal
Council of the Indies, it has seemed well to say to you that it is believed
that in this matter you have had a care for that which is in your charge,
wherefore you will so continue to do in future, for in so doing you serve
me. Madrid, March 27, 165 1. I the King. By command of the king,
our lord. Juan Bautista Saenz Navarrete. Signed by the members
of the Council.

172 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana ynforme ssobre lo que propone el gover-
nador de la Nueva Vizcaya cerca de la provission de las plagas de los
presidios de su district o.i [Buen Retiro, 23 de Mayo de i6$2.~\

El Rey. Conde de alva de aliste primo gentil hombre de mi camara mi
Virrey governador y capitan general de las provincias de la Nueva Es-
pana y presidente de mi audiencia de ella o la perssona o perssonas a cuyo
cargo fuere su gobierno en carta que me escribio Don Diego Guaxardo
mi governador y capitan general de la Provincia de la Nueva Vizcaya en
veinte y seis de febrero de seiscientos y cinquenta y uno dice que el ano
de seiscientos y treinta y seis higo asiento el capitan don Pedro de perea
con el Marques de Cadereita mi Virrey de essas provincias de Poblar la
de Sonora con ciertas condiciones siendo una dellas el que hubiesse de
ocurrir al governador de la Nueva Vizcaya a que le despachase titulo de
justicia mayor y capitan a guerra de la dicha provincia de sonora por
ser el districto de aquel govierno y que en esta Conformidad hubiesse de
estar sujeto a las ordenes que se le diessen de la Nueva bizcaya y que
habiendo muerto el capitan Don pedro perea continuaron los governadores
della la provission de aquel oficio y que los capitanes de los pressidios de
sinaloa sin mas fundamento que yntroducir en la de sonora Juridicion
moviendo algunas competencias pues siendo despachados aquellos pre-
ssidios con patentes de mis virreyes de esa Nueva Espana no solo preten-
den los de sinaloa ebadirse de la subordinacion que tienen a aquel gobierno
pero aun la probission de Justicia de aquella provincia que siempre se a
despachado por el almirante Don Pedro porter casanate que a la sagon
era capitan de aquel pressidio a enbaragar la possesion a las personas que
a despachado a ello el dicho Mi governador y continuando en estender la
Jurisdicion que no le toca y mover algunas conpetencias al capitan simon
lasso de la vega a quien havia puesto por Justicia Mayor y capitan a guerra
de la dicha provincia de sonora el governador de Nueva Vizcaya y que
sirviendome como buen soldado higo algunas entradas y pacificaciones a
su costa ya haviendo sucedido el lebantamiento de la Nacion Taraumara
le despacho or den para que juntando los mas espanoles e yndios amigos
que pudiesse entrarse por aquella parte a socorrer al dicho governador
haciendo guerra a los yndios rebeldes y estando en la conpania esperando
este socorro que ubiera sido de mucha ynportancia y habiendo tenido
abisso suyo de que estava para salir con el a pocos dias Recebio una carta
la qual me a remetido en que el dicho Don Pedro porter cassanete le abi-
saba como habian muerto alebosamente de un arcabugasso al dicho capi-
tan simon lasso, sucesso no sin algunas sospechas y que con estas nuevas
avia despachado luego al general Juan B de Morales perssona de toda
satisfacion y que habia sido el primero que habia entrado al reparo de la
ynvasion de los tharaumares y tenia pedidos socoros al dicho almirante a
que administrasse Justicia en dicha provincia de sonora y bolviesse a
juntar la Jente que tenia conducida su antecessor que con su muerte se
avia esparcido y entrasse a socorrerle con ella y que averiguasse la muerte
Referida y castigasse los agresores y por que con el levantamiento de los

1 A. G. L, 144-1-15.

Enlistment of Soldiers, 1652 173

To the viceroy of New Spain, asking him to report on the proposal of the
governor of Nneva Vizcaya with reference to the enlistment of sol-
diers in the presidios of his district. [Buen Retiro, May 2$, 1652.']

The King. Count of Alvadeliste,70 cousin, lord of my bedchamber, my
viceroy, and captain-general of the provinces of New Spain, and president
of my audiencia of that viceroyalty, or to the person, or persons, in whose
charge its government may be : In a letter written to me by Don Diego
Guajardo,71 my governor and captain-general of the province of Nueva
Vizcaya, on February 26, 1651, he says that in the year 1636 Captain
Don Pedro de Perea 72 made a contract with the Marquis of Cadereyta,73
my viceroy of those provinces, for the settlement of Sonora under certain
conditions, one of which was that he was to apply to the governor of
Nueva Vizcaya to issue to him title as justicia mayor and captain of war
of the said province of Sonora, since it was a district of that government;
in conformity with this arrangement he was to be subject to orders issued
to him from Nueva Vizcaya. Captain Don Pedro de Perea having died,
the governors of Nueva Vizcaya continued making appointments to that
office. But the captains of the presidios of Sinaloa, with no other pur-
pose than that of intervening in the jurisdiction of Sonora — thereby
giving origin to some contentions since those presidios were organized
under patents from my viceroys of New Spain — attempt to free them-
selves not only from the subordination which they have to that govern-
ment, but even from the administration of justice of that province, which
has always been despatched by Admiral Don Pedro Porter Casanate,74
who was at the time captain of that presidio; they have moreover en-
deavored to prevent possession of the office by persons appointed to it
by my said governor, persisting in extending their jurisdiction over mat-
ters which do not pertain to them, and exciting rivalry with Captain
Simon Laso de la Vega, whom the governor of Nueva Vizcaya appointed
justicia mayor and captain of war of the said province of Sonora. Laso
de la Vega, serving me as a good soldier, made some expeditions and
subjugations at his own expense and, the uprising of the Tarahumara na-
tion 75 having occurred, he was ordered to assemble all the Spaniards and
friendly Indians he could and go into that region to help the said gov-
ernor by making war upon the rebel Indians. The governor, being on his
campaign awaiting this assistance, which would have been of great value,
after hearing from Laso that he was about to set out with it in a few
days, received a letter which he has sent to me, in which the said Don
Pedro Porter Casanate notified him that Captain Simon Laso had been
treacherously killed by a shot from a harquebus. This event was not
entirely free from suspicion, and the governor, upon receipt of the news
of it, at once dispatched General Juan B. de Morales — a thoroughly re-
liable person, he having been the first one to go in to check the invasion
of the Tarahumares and had already asked for reinforcements from the
admiral — to administer justice in the province of Sonora and reunite the
men whom his predecessor led but who had become scattered upon the
death of the latter. With these men Morales was to come to the gover-
nor's assistance, investigate the death of Laso, and punish the perpetrators

174 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

taraumares estava inpedido al passo ordinario para aquella Provincia le
hordeno fuessen por la de sinaloa aunque es rodeo de mas de ducientas
leguas para que comunicasse algunas cossas de mi servicio y habiendo
llegado a ella el dicho almirante Don Pedro porter cassanate capitan del
presidio de aquella provincia para que no pasasse a la de sonora puso los
ynpedimentos que constaran por el testimonio que remitia de que resulto
no aber consseguido el socorro que estava dispuesto ni podido averiguar
ni castigar el delito de la muerte de dicho simon lasso baliendosse el dicho
cappitan de sinaloa de la ocassion de estar levantados los Yndios tarau-
mares que ocupan el passo para seme j antes resoluciones queriendo subsci-
tar conpetencias o introducirlas entre aquel y ese govierno de Nueva
Espafia y que este y otros ynconbenientes se siguen de que mis Virreyes
de ella probean algunos presidios del govierno de Nueva Vizcaya pues
pretenden los capitanes dellos evadirsse por esta Ragon de la obediencia
que deben al capitan general de aquel rreyno con que en la ocassion de
estas guerras que le pusieron en continjencia de perdersse no se pudo
conseguir socorro alguno del pressidio de sinaloa ni del de san Sebastian
a que se sigue faltar en tierras de tan continuas guerras con que premiar
los soldados que alii me sirven que no los desalienta poco en las ocassiones
que se of recen : y me a suplicado mande reconocer su ynportancia y que
se ponga el remedio que conbiene ordenando que todos los presidios de
aquel reyno que son vien pocos y de corto numero de placas que se provean
mi virrey de essa Nueva Espafia o separandolos de una bez por el excusar
conpetencias y en otra carta de siete de octubre del afio passado de seis-
cientos y cinquenta y uno representa el dicho mi governador que son tan
continuos los dafios que en aquellas provincias se padecen con ynvasiones
de los yndios dellas que no ay ora de seguridad y que a todas es preciso
estar dando distintos socorros de armas municiones y Jente a diferentes
partes que las piden y que aunque a muchos meses que por diferentes
despachos testimonios y cartas os hace ynstancia para que los socorrais
y proveais de remedio en los muchos dafios que padecen no ha tenido
respuesta de las que os a escrito estando para salir de aquel Real una
cuadrilla de carros que llebaba mas de veinte mill marcos de plata con
que an sido aquel afio mas de ochenta mill los que han salido conduciendo
conque de temor de aquellos Barbaros se ba despoblando aquel Reyno y
suplicandome mande poner el remedio que pareciere mas combeniente.

Y Haviendose visto en mi conssejo Real de las yndias con los testi-
monios que sobre esto me remitio dicho Don Diego guajardo y lo que
dixo mi fiscal de el como quiera que por carta de este dia avisso a mi gov-
ernador de la Nueva Vizcaya que en quanto al alcangamiento de los
yndios taraumares y pretenciones que se an hecho para conservar la Villa
de aguilar y castigar los delinquentes en la muerte del padre cornelio
godinez missionero de la compaflia de Jesus la continue asta que se consiga
segura pacificacion y os de aviso de lo que obrare y de lo que se le ofre-
ciere para que se ordene lo necessario a las assistencias que hubiere menes-
ter de las partes que tocan a su govierno y que procure que la pacificacion
y reducion se aga con las menos muertes de Yndios que se pudiere ussando
primero de los medios suaves de amistad y buen tratamiento con ellos me

Enlistment of Soldiers, 1652 175

of the deed. But, because the ordinary route through that province was
closed by reason of the uprising of the Tarahumares, the governor or-
dered Morales to go through the province of Sinaloa, although this neces-
sitated a detour of more than two hundred leagues, for the purpose of
communicating certain affairs pertaining to my service. When Morales
arrived at Sinaloa, the admiral Don Pedro Porter Casanate, captain of
the presidio of that province, tried to prevent this advance into Sonora
by offering obstructions which will appear in the transcript which the
governor sent [to the king]. As a result the assistance ordered was not
received nor was it possible to investigate or punish the crime of the
death of Simon Laso, because the captain of Sinaloa availed himself of
the occasion of the uprising of the Tarahumares, who occupy the pass,
to take such action, desiring to foment rivalries or originate them be-
tween the governments of New Spain and Nueva Vizcaya. This and
other difficulties arise from the fact that my viceroys of New Spain
appoint the officers of certain presidios in the government of Nueva Viz-
caya, for the captains of these presidios attempt on account of this to
evade obedience to the captain-general of that kingdom. As a result,
during these wars which place the province in danger of ruin, it was
impossible to obtain any assistance from the presidio of Sinaloa nor
from that of San Sebastian. It follows, therefore, in lands where wars
are so continuous, that means are lacking with which to reward the sol-
diers who serve me there, a condition which discourages them not a little
when these situations arise.

The governor has therefore besought me to order that this serious
situation should be recognized and the proper remedy applied, and by
ordering that all the presidios of that kingdom, which are indeed few and
scantily garrisoned, are to be under control of my viceroy of New Spain
or else be all at once taken from his jurisdiction, for the purpose of pre-
venting rivalries.

In another letter of October 7 of last year, 165 1, the said governor
reported that the injury from Indian invasions was so continual in those
provinces that there was not an hour of security; that it was necessary
to be always sending assistance in the form of arms, munitions, and men
to the various places which asked for them. And, although he asked you
months ago, in numerous despatches, transcripts, and letters, to assist him
by providing some remedy for the many ills from which they suffer, he
has as yet received no reply to what he has written you. [He says, more-
over,] that he was about to take out of that camp a train of wagons carry-
ing more than 20,000 marks in silver, making over 80,000 marks which
he had taken out during the year; but on account of fear of the bar-
barians the kingdom was becoming depopulated. He, therefore, suppli-
cated me to provide whatever remedy seemed fit.

Wherefore, the matter having been reviewed in my royal Council of
the Indies, with the transcripts sent me by Don Diego Guajardo and the
opinion of my fiscal of the Council, it was decided to advise my governor
of Nueva Vizcaya, by letter of this date, to continue in his efforts to
punish the uprising of the Tarahumares, and the persons guilty of the
death of Father Cornelio Godinez, missionary of the Company of Jesus,

176 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

a parecido avisaros dello para que lo tengais entendido y que siendo cierto
lo que repressenta el dicho governador de la Nueva Vizcaya le deis las
asistencias necessarias como mas convenga para conseguir el fin que se
pretende y por que no se a allado el assiento que se hico por Don Pedro
perea con el Virrey Marques de cadereita ssobre la poblacion de la pro-
vincia de sonora en que el governador de la Nueva Vizcaya refiere que
le toca a el la probission del oficio de governador y cappitan a guerra de
ella os mando que en la primera ocassion que se ofresca me ynformeis,
en ragon de lo que zerca desto dice el dicho el governador de la Nueva
Vizcaya con Vuestro parecer y las conveniencias o inconvenientes que
puede tener el ejecutarse lo que propone a quien y por que causa para que
visto por los del dicho mi conssejo de las yndias se provea lo que mas con-
benga. Fecha en Buen retiro a veinte y tres de mayo de mil y sseiscientos
y cinquenta y dos afios. Yo el Rey. Por mandado del rrey nuestro senor.
Gregorio de Leguia. Y sefialada de los del conssejo.

Respuesta al Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya ssobre despoblar la pro-
vincia de SonoraJ [Bnen Retiro, 23 de Mayo de 16^2.}

El Rey. Don Diego Guajardo fajardo mi governador y Capitan gen-
eral de la Ciudad de Durango de la provincia de la nueva Vizcaia en carta
que me escribisteis en 26 de febrero del ano pasado de 65 1 : me dais
quenta de lo que a pasado cerca de despoblar la Provincia de Sonora
ssobre avia poblacion havia hecho asiento el capitan don Pedro de Perea
el ano de 636 con mi Virey Marques de Cadereita y referis por menor las
inquietudes de los Yndios y falta de obediencia que os tienen los capitanes
de los Presidios que nombra mi Virrey de la Nueva Espafia en Vuestro
distrito y ssobre esto remitis ciertos testimonios de autos y en otra carta
de 7 de octubre del mesmo ano de 651 representais que son tan continuos
los dafios que en esas provincias se padecen con invasiones de los Yndios
de ellas que no ay ora de seguridad que a todas es preciso estar dando dis-
tintos socorros de armas municiones y jente a diferentes partes que los
piden y que aunque a muchos meses que por diferentes despachos testi-
monios y cartas haceis instancia con mi Virey de la Nueva Espafia para
que os socorro y provea de remedio en los muchos dafios que padeceis no
haveis tenido respuesta de las que le haveis escrito estando para salir de
ese Real una cuadrilla de carros que llevava mas de veinte mil marcos de

1 A. G. L, 144-1-15. [The copy of the title says: duplicose en 18 de Julio de 652. —
C. W. H.]

Depopulation of Sonora, 1652 177

and his plans for the conservation of the town of Aguilar, until he se-
cured complete pacification. He was to keep you advised of what he was
doing and of whatever happened, so that you might order whatever rein-
forcements should be needed in the parts under your jurisdiction ; he was
also to see that the pacification and reduction should proceed with as
little loss of life to the Indians as possible, trying first the gentle methods
of friendship and good treatment toward them. It has therefore seemed
wise to me to advise you of the situation in order that you may under-
stand it. If what the governor of Nueva Vizcaya says is true, you will
give him all the help he needs to accomplish the desired end. And, as the
contract made by Don Pedro de Perea with the viceroy, Marquis of
Cadereita, concerning the settlement of the province of Sonora has not
been found, in which contract the governor of Nueva Vizcaya states how
the provision relating to the office of governor and captain of war of the
province affects him, I command you to report to me as soon as possible
what the said governor of Nueva Vizcaya says concerning this, and sub-
mit your opinion as to what advantage or disadvantage may ensue, and
to whom and why, from doing as he proposes. You will do this in order
that the matter may be considered by my Council of the Indies, and
whatever is fitting may be ordered. Dated at Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652.
I the King. By command of the king, our lord, Gregorio de Leguia.
Signed by the members of the Council.

Reply to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, concerning the depopulation of
the province of Sonora. [Buen Retiro, May 23, 1652.']

The King. Don Diego Guajardo Fajardo,76 my governor and captain-
general of the city of Durango, in the province of Nueva Vizcaya : In a
letter which you wrote to me on February 26 of last year, 165 1, you gave
me an account of what has taken place with respect to the depopulation
of the province of Sonora. You said that there was a settlement under
a contract which Captain Don Pedro de Perea 77 had made in the year
1636 with my viceroy, the Marquis of Cadereita;78 and you report in
detail the disturbances among the Indians, and the lack of obedience
toward you shown by the captains of the presidios whom my viceroy of
New Spain appoints in your district. With reference to this you remit
certain transcripts of autos, and in another letter of October 7, of the
same year, 165 1, you represent that the dangers are so continuous in that
province from the invasions of the Indians that there is not an hour of
security, for it is necessary at all times to be giving aid in arms, munitions,
and men to different places which demand them. You also state that,
months ago, by various despatches, transcripts, and letters, you have peti-
tioned my viceroy of New Spain to aid you and provide a remedy for
the many injuries from which you suffer, but that you have received no
reply to the letters you have written. There is, you say, a train of wagons
about to leave that camp, carrying more than 20,000 marks of silver, so
that the total amount sent out for that year amounts to more than 80,000

178 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

plata con que han sido aquel afio mas de ochenta mil los que han salido ;
concluyendo con que de temor de aquellos barbaros se ba despoblando
esse Reino y me suplicais mande poner el Remedio que pareciese mas
conveniente.

Y haviendose visto en mi conssejo Real de las yndias con lo que ssobre
ella dijo mi fiscal de el como quiera que por punta de la fecha de esta envio
a mandar a mi Virey de la nueva Espana me in forme ssobre todo lo
referido me a parecido ordenaros y mandaros como lo hago remitais al
dicho mi conssejo en la primera ocasion que se ofresca a manos de el mi
infrascripto secretario la capitulacion que decis higo Don Pedro de Perea
el ano de 636 con mi Virey marques de Cadereita ssobre la dicha Pobla-
cion de la Provincia de Sonora respecto de no haverla enviado con los
autos que remitisteis con la dicha carta ni allarse en las que me escribio
el dicho Marques de Cadereita y acerca de lo que contienen los autos que
remitis en ragon del abramiento k de los yndios taraumares y de las pre-
venciones que se an hecho para conservar la villa de Aguilar y castigar
los delinquentes en la muerte del Padre Cornelio godines misionero de la
Compania de Jesus mando continueis las diligencias que referis haceis
hasta que se consiga segura pacificacion y que procureis que esta pacifi-
cacion y rreducion se haga con las menos muertes de Yndios que se pu-
diere ussando primero de los medios suaves de amistad y buen tratamiento
con ellos que assi conviene al servicio de Dios y mio y al otro mi Virrey
con quien os abeis de corresponder en esto escrivo para que ordene lo
necessario en las asistencias que ubieres de menester de las partes que
tocan a su govierno disponiendolas como mas conbengan para conseguir
el fin que se pretende y de lo que fueredes obrando me dareis quenta para
que Visto por los del dicho mi conssejo se provea lo que mas convenga.
De Buen Retiro a veinte y tres de Mayo de mil y sseiscientos y cinquenta
y dos afios. Yo el Rey. Por mandado del rrey nuestro Senor, Gregorio
de Leguia. Y senalada de los conssejo.

Al Virrey de la Nueva Espana guarde la zedula en esta incerta ssobre el
aumento y alivio de los Yndios de la Nueva Galicia y ynforme ssobre
ello como esta mandado.1 [Madrid, 24 de Julio de 1652.']

El Rey. . . . yo (el Rey) mande dar la zedula del thenor siguiente:
El Rey : Conde de Alva de Salbatierra etc. : en una carta que me escrivio,
el lizenciado Don Pedro Fernandez de Vaesa, Presidente de la Audiencia
de Guadalaxara en veinteicinco del mes de febrero del ano pasado de 1645,
en que me da quenta de la universal del govierno de aquella provincia,
y lo que havia dispuesto cerca de ello ; dize particularmente en dos capi-
tulos de dicha carta, que los tributos que de su contribucion resultan son
tan solamente en cantidad de cinco mill y tantos pessos, cosa poco con-

k Obviously a miscopy for " alsamiento ".
*A. G. I, 103-3-1.

Indians of Nueva Galicia, 1652 17.)

marks. You conclude by saying that fear of those barbarians is depopu-
lating that kingdom, and you ask me to command that the remedy which
seems most fitting be applied.

The matter having been considered in my royal Council of the Indies,
together with that which my fiscal of the Council cared to say concerning
it, [it has seemed wise] although under this same date I am commanding
my viceroy of New Spain to inform me concerning all the above matters,
to order and command you, as I do, to send to my Council on the first
opportunity, in care of my secretary, the undersigned, the capitulation
which you say Don Pedro de Perea made in the year 1636 with my vice-
roy, the Marquis of Cadereita, concerning the settlement in the province
of Sonora; for you did not send it with the autos which you remitted
with the said letter, nor is it to be found among those written to me by
the Marquis of Cadereita.

As to the contents of the autos which you sent concerning the revolt of
the Tarahumares,79 and the measures which have been taken to preserve
the town of Aguilar and to punish the perpetrators of the death of Father
Cornelio Godines, missionary of the Company of Jesus, I command that
you continue the efforts which you say you are making until a secure
peace has been achieved, and that you endeavor to accomplish this pacifi-
cation and reduction with the least number of deaths of Indians that is
possible, first using the mild methods of friendship and kind treatment
toward them, this being acceptable to the service of God and myself.
I am also writing to my viceroy, with whom you are to co-operate in this
work, asking him to order everything in the way of reinforcements
which you may need in the regions which appertain to his government,
disposing them in such ways as may best aid in obtaining the desired end.
You will report to me what you are doing, in order that my Council,
having knowledge of it, may order what is most fitting. From Buen
Retiro, May 23, 1652. I the King. By command of the king, our lord,
Gregorio de Leguia. Signed by the members of the Council.

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to observe the cedilla inclosed
herewith concerning the improvement and relief of the Indians of
Nueva Galicia, and to report on the situation as he has been com-
manded. [Madrid, July 24, 16 52.]

The King. ... I, the King, ordered a cedula of the following tenor
to be issued: The King: Count of Alva de Salvatierra : 80 In a letter
written to me by the licenciado Don Pedro Fernandez de Baeza,81 presi-
dent of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, on February 25, of the past year,
1645, m which he gives an account of the entire governmental situation
of that province, and relates what he has done concerning that situation,
he says specifically in two articles of the letter, that the tributes collected
within his territory amount only to the sum of five thousand and odd
pesos, which is an insignificant figure, yet in its collection the Indians
suffer many extortions and such damages that each of them lives in such
13

180 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

siderable, enpero que en su cobranza padecen los Yndios muchas estor-
ciones y darios tales que para la paga de lo que le toca vive cada Uno de
ellos en tan notable angustia, que le pareze no a de poder cumplir con ello ;
siendo assi que con las molestias de la cobranza, y otros d?iios que jun-
tamente padezen, y an sentido assi de los temporales, como en la labor de
las minas y rrepartimientos, se hallan en estado de extinguirse, totalmente,
y la lastima y compassion de verlos padezer y morir, obliga a que (si
fuese posible sin mas inconveniente) del que resultaria en la perdida de
los tributes, 6 parte de ellos, se procurase el aliviarles de esta carga; lo
qual seria la total redempcion de aquellos miserables ; que con esto, lo que
asta aora a sido deminuyccion, en lo de adelante seria crecimiento y en-
tonces se sacaria lo que en esse tiempo se menoscavase de mi Real Hazi-
enda ; Y anade aunque reconoze que de quitar aquellos repartimientos, se
pueden seguir algunas descomodidades a el y a los demas oydores de la
Audiencia tiene por facil el tolerarlas por grandes que sean, por escusarla
menos que se puede seguir a los Yndios, mayormente quando son tan
conforme a los disposiciones i ordenes nuestras ; Y haviendo Visto en mi
consejo Real de las Yndias, con lo que acerca de ello, dijo el lizenciado
Don Geronimo Camargo mi fiscal en el, i consultadoseme todo lo que
en la materia se ofrecio e considerando que segun consta por Vuestra zer-
tificacion de Hernando de Mujica, contador de mi Real Hazienda de
aquella caja, que, en ciento y ochenta y quatro pueblos, los treinta y tres
de ellos de encomienda, ay dos mil seiscientos y quarenta Yndios tribu-
taries; cuyo repartimiento, entre todos monta cinco mil trescientos y
noventa y dos pesos, siete tomines, y seis granos en cada un ano, que es
de la suma que el Pressidente propone, sseria bien aliviar a los dichos
Yndios, Y que segun lo que de aqui resulta se manifiesta claro la miseria
grande que padezen aquellos pobres vasallos, pues aun siendo tan limitado
el tributo que pagan les es tan gravoso y molesto, como lo pondera el presi-
dente, tanto que se puede presumir que esta carga les abra ocasionado la
despoblacion ; Y considerando tambien que en otra ocasion que se tubo
noticia del excesso con que se procedia en esa Nueva Espana (asi por los
ministros como por los naturales de las provincias della) en quanto al
servicio personal de los Yndios en sus casas y en los obrajes gravandolos
con penosas tareas, y otras Molestas fatigas, se despacho una zedula en
treinta de Julio del ano de 1627, dirigida al Marques de Cerrajero mi
Virrey que entonces era en que expressamente le ordene con palabras de
mucha ponderacion que puse en ella de mi Real mano que sin excussa ni
omission alguna ordenasse que se executasse y cobrasse lo dispuesto Y
mando en otra zedula general que con mucho acuerdo se despacho el ano
de seiscientos y nueve en la qual se proibe el Servicio personal de los
Yndios y Considerando tambien las necesidades y aprietos presentes Con
que me hallo con tantos exercitos en espana y fuera della He resuelto de
ordenaros y mandaros (como lo hago) leais atentamente Los dos capi-
tulos Ynclussos de la Carta del Pressidente de Guadalaxara; y asimismo
la cedula de treinta de Julio de 627 y con muy particular especulacion y
cuydado os entereis de los dafios que padezen los Yndios de la Provincia
de Guadalaxara por caussa de los tributos que pagan inquiriendo si estos
Les son tan gravosos i intolerables que Excedan a su impossibilidad, o si

Indians of Nueva Galicia, 1652 181

constant anxiety concerning what he has to pay that it seems to him to be
impossible to comply with it. Indeed, because of the trouble caused them
in the collection of the tribute, combined with other injuries from which
they also suffer and have experienced from storms and hard work in the
mines and on the rcpariiiiiicntos, they are about to be entirely annihilated ;
and the pity and compassion [which he feels] at seeing them suffer and
die leads him to suggest that (if it can be done without great inconveni-
ence) effort should be made to relieve them from all or a part of the
burden of the tributes. The result would be the entire rehabilitation of
those miserable people, for, instead of decreasing as they have until now,
they would in the future increase, and then it would be possible to recover
which might be lost to my real hacienda in the interval.

He adds that although he recognizes that the abolition of those repar-
timientos might lead to some inconvenience to himself and to the other
oidores of the audiencia, yet he considers that it could easily be borne,
however great it might be, inasmuch as it would prevent the further
impoverishment of the Indians, they being, as they are, so well disposed
toward our orders and commands.

The matter having been considered by my royal Council of the Indies,
together with what my fiscal of the Council, Don Geronimo Camargo,
said concerning it; and consultation having been held with me on all
aspects of the situation ; and, in view of the fact that, as appears by your
affidavit from Hernando de Mujica, cashier of my real hacienda at that
depository, there are in 184 towns, 33 of them being in encomienda, 2640
tributary Indians, the repartimiento of whom amounts in all to 5392
pesos, 7 tomines, 6 grains per year — approximately the sum which the
president suggests should be remitted for the alleviation of the Indians ;
and, in view of the fact that the great misery which these poor vassals
suffer is clearly manifested by the evidence, for, although the tribute they
pay is so little, yet it is so heavy and troublesome to them, as the president
emphatically says, that it is to be presumed that this tax has perhaps
caused the depopulation of the district; and in view of the fact also that
on another occasion when word was received of the harsh measures used
in New Spain (by the ministers and the natives of the province alike)
in the matter of personal service from the Indians in the homes [of
Spaniards] and on outside work, heavy tasks and other fatiguing bur-
dens being laid upon them, a cedula was issued on July 30, 1627, directed
to the Marquis of Cerralvo,82 then my viceroy, in which I expressly
ordered him, in words of great weight, which I put into it with my royal
hand, that, without excuse or omission whatever, he should order to be
executed and collected that which had been decreed; and in view of the
fact that I ordered in another general cedula which was despatched in
1609, after much consultation, wherein personal service from the Indians
is prohibited ; and considering also the present necessity and stress under
which I find myself from providing for such large armies both in and out
of Spain:

I have resolved to command and order you, as I do, to read attentively
the two articles herewith inclosed from the letter of the president of
Guadalajara; also the cedula of July 30, 1627; and, with particular care

182 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

acaso procede del dano de las molestias que les hazen los cobradores, y si
abria medio para hazer la cobranza con tal suabidad que no les f uese tan
sensible el tributo pues siendo tan corto no parece que es ella causa total
que los impossibilita Sino que por bentura y como lo quiere apuntar a
dezir el Pressidente, Los cobradores deben de hazer grangeria de Im-
possibilitarlos por tenerlos mas sugetos para sus ussos y siendo esto assi
constando os de ello procurareis con particular Cuydado y comunicacion
del mismo Presidente hallar medio para que el tributo se cobre sin molestia
de los Vasallos; porque si esto bastare para que el tributo pudiere ser
cobrable sin riesgo de la despoblacion de aquellos naturales Se deve aten-
der a no minorar el Real haver por las necessidades presentes ; empero si
todavia entendierades Con ebidencia que no resulta el dano de la exac-
cion Sino de la carga del tributo y que el es la causa principal que enfla-
queze y extingue a los Indios (o son que la cobranza se aleve) entonces
enterrado bien destos motibos por lo mucho que se inclina mi Real clemen-
cia a desear el Mayor Consuelo y alivio de aquellos Vassallos que tam-
bien son hijos tengo por vien y os mando que los alivieis de la carga del
dicho tributo en la parte que Juzgaredes ser necesaria para su conserva-
cion y augmento ; Para lo qual os concedo f acultad y dexo a Vuestra pru-
dencia y consideracion la cantidad, en que los hubieredes de Aliviar In-
formandoos primero del Pressidente de aquella Audiencia del Obispo y
de las otras personas que alii ubiere de mas satisfaccion, para que (sin
perder de vista las necessidades de mi Real Hazienda) en lo que se pu-
dieren Conpadecer con el alibio de aquellos pobres Yndios Basallos mios
como he dicho se consiga lo que en primer lugar sea de procurar por qual-
quier via, el consuelo y alibio de aquellos y me dareis quenta de lo que
en esto executaredes y tambien de lo que se obiere obrado en execucion
y cumplimento de la dicha mi Cedula que ba citado de tres de Julio de
627 y si la teneis presente para executarla de que particularmente me
avisareis — fecha en Madrid a 20 de Diziembre 1646 — Yo el Rey.

Y Porque ultimamente en carta que me escrivio Don Geronimo de
Alcate fiscal de mi Audiencia de Guadalaxara en veinte y ocho de Octubre
de seiscientos y quarenta y ocho que la duplico en quatro de Abril de 649
y es duplicado de la que sobre lo mismo que contiene la cedula que en
esta ba Ynserta havia escrito en 17 de Abril del mismo afio de 48 ynforma
lo que se le ofrece sobre que no combiene remitir Los tributos que pagan
los Indios de las dichas Provincias de Guadalaxara y que se mandasse
quitar Con efecto el repartimiento y servicio personal por las razones que
refiere en la dicha carta que el dicho mi fiscal me escrivio Con vista de una
Copia de la Cedula aqui ynserta que el dicho mi virrey Imbio al Pressi-
dente de mi Audiencia de Guadalaxara ; Y haviendose visto por los del mi
Consejo Real de las Yndias Con los papeles de la matheria y lo que pidio
mi fiscal en el y reconocidose que el dicho mi Virrey Conde de Salvatierra
ni el presidente y Audiencia de Guadalaxara no a respondido asta aora
a la cedula aqui inserta Lo qual se a extranado en el dicho mi consejo y
para remedio de la omission que en esto a avido, os mando que luego que
recivais esta trateis de la execucion de lo que en ella va inserta y me remi-
tais los ynformes que sobre lo que contiene estan pedidos con Vuestro

Indians of Nueva Galicia, 1652 183

and attention, inform yourself as to the injuries that the Indians of the
province of Guadalajara suffer on account of the tributes which they pay,
inquiring whether these be so heavy and intolerable to the Indians that
they cannot possibly be paid, or whether perhaps the difficulty arises from
the trouble which the collectors cause them, and whether there is any
method whereby the collection can be effected with such suavity that the
tribute would not be so burdensome to them, for, since it is so little, it
cannot be that it is the sole reason why they cannot pay it ; rather, perhaps,
as the president suggests, the collectors must be making a business of
mulcting the Indians so as to have them more completely under control.

If this is true and you know it is true, you will endeavor, carefully and
in co-operation with the president, to find some means whereby the tribute
may be collected without hardship to the vassals; for, if it can be ar-
ranged so that the tribute can be collected without risk of despoiling those
natives, care should be taken for the sake of present needs not to dimin-
ish the royal income. If, however, you secure evidence that the injury
does not come from the collection but from the imposition of the tribute,
and that it in itself is the principal cause of the weakening of the Indians
(or the reason why the imposition should be lessened), then, if you are
thoroughly convinced that such is the case, I think it wise and do com-
mand that, on account of the intensity with which my royal clemency
desires the utmost consolation and relief of those vassals whom I con-
sider as my children, you relieve them of such part of the tribute as you
think necessary for their preservation and advancement. To this end I
give you authority, and leave to your prudence and judgment the amount
by which the tax should be reduced, you first to take counsel with the
president of the audiencia, the bishop, and other well-informed persons
there, in order "that (without losing sight of the necessities of my real
hacienda) in accord with their solicitude for the relief of those poor In-
dian vassals of mine, we may, as I have said, achieve what is, above all,
to be attained in some way, namely, their consolation and relief. You will
give me an account of what you do in this matter, and also of what may
have been done in compliance with my cedula of July 3, 1627, cited above;
if you are actually engaged in the fulfillment of it, you will give me an
exact account of just what you are doing. Dated at Madrid, December 20,
1646. I the King.

Now therefore, inasmuch as Don Geronimo de Alzate, fiscal of my
Audiencia of Guadalajara, in a letter which he wrote on October 28,
1648 — duplicated on April 4, 1649, which again is a duplicate of what
he had written concerning the contents of the cedula herewith enclosed
on April 17 of the first-named year, 1648 — reports his opinion that it is
not desirable to remit the tributes paid by the Indians of the provinces
of Guadalajara but to abolish in effect the repartimiento and personal
service, for the reasons which the fiscal sets forth in the letter which he
wrote to me, having before him a copy of the cedula herewith inclosed
which the viceroy sent to the president of my Audiencia of Guadalajara;
and the members of my royal Council of the Indies having considered the
papers relative to the matter, together with the request of my fiscal of the
Council, and it having been noted that neither my viceroy, the Count of

184 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

parecer para que visto por los del dicho mi consejo se provea lo que com-
benga. — fecha en Madrid a 24 de Julio de 1652. — Yo el REY.m

La Ciudad de Guadalaxara 23 de Agosto de 1664. A su Magestad.
Recibida jo mayo 665*

Sefior: Esta Ciudad de Guadalaxara recibio la cedula rreal en que
Vuestra Magestad se sirve mandar informe la audiencia y cavildo eclesi-
astico, sobre tener la alondiga que suplico esta giudad a Vuestra Magestad
para sus propios y por el brebe despacho de las Ureas los a quien toca in-
formar le embiaran en otra Ocasion.

Bolvemos a Rendir las gracias a Vuestra Magestad de la mersed que
nos hiso de embiar por Governador y presidente de esta rreal audiencia
a el Lizenciado don Antonio albares de castro de cuia entrada y prin-
gipio dio esta giudad quenta a Vuestra Magestad y despues lo a continuado
con su pasifico govierno, dando los ofisios, a los mas benemeritos y nobles,
y lo mismo los Curatos en hijos patrimoniales de esta tierra, amparando
los indios mineros y los que lo sirben para que rrindad ° a Vuestra Mages-
tad muchos quintos. El despacho de la audiencia y governacion es el mas
pronto que se a visto y que no pase de los derechos hordinarios ; a hecho
buscar con gran cuidado, los salteadores, y traer presos de otras provin-
cias y para que no, aia los, hurtos y quemas que solia haver de noche en
las puertas, de tiendas ; ha mandado roden p por sus dias los de el comer-
sio de que se consigue otro fin que no se defraudan las alcavalas ni entran
de noche las mercadurias. ha hecho Reedificar el hospital rreal de san
Miguel y siendo asi que antes, no acudian enfermos por el mal avio que
havia, ahora, les, a Reedificado la Casa y Capilla y los difuntos que antes
se Solian enterrar en un Corral a hecho se entierren, en la Yglesia maior,
hisoles comprar Ropa, sirvientes y las mas menesteres nesesarias, Con
que oi es el Reparo publico de los pobres en gran bien de esta giudad, a
Cuios Veginos y mineros a asistido en quanto fue posible, en las grandes,
Vexaciones y estorsiones que les hiso aqui, un Jues de el Visitador don
francisco Valles, que si el dicho don francisco y el Virrei conde de banos,
hubieran seguido el dictamen, de el presidente se hubiera librado la pro-
vingia de tantas calamidades, los indios y sirbientes no se hubieran huido
de las hagiendas de las minas, los quintos Reales hubieran Cresido i igua-
na F. R. B., Sevilla.
n A. G. L, 66-6-19.

0 Obviously a miscopy for " rindan ".
9 Probably " ronden " is meant.

City of Guadalajara, 1664 185

Salvatierra,83 nor the president of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, have yet
replied to the cedula herewith inserted, whereat my Council has expressed
its surprise ; in view of all these things, I command you, for the remedy
of the omission which has occurred in this matter, that as soon as you re-
ceive this cedula you proceed to execute the orders contained in it, and
send me the reports ordered concerning its contents together with your
opinion, in order that the matter may be considered by the members
of my Council and suitable orders may be issued. Dated at Madrid,
July 24, 1652. I the King.

The City of Guadalajara. August 23, 1664. To his Majesty. Received

May 30, 1665.

Sir: This city of Guadalajara received the cedula in which your
Majesty was pleased to order the audiencia and the ecclesiastical chapter
to make a report concerning a public granary of its own for which this
city petitioned your Majesty. On account of the early departure of the
store-ships, those whose duty it is to make the report will send it on
another occasion.

We again render thanks to your Majesty for the favor which you did
us in sending as governor and president of this royal audiencia the
licenciado Don Antonio Alvares de Castro, of whose arrival and inau-
guration this city gave account to your Majesty. He has since continued
his beneficent rule, giving the offices to the most worthy and honorable,
and likewise the curacies to the native born sons of this country, and pro-
tecting the Indian miners and those who serve, so that they may render
to your Majesty many fifths.

The administration of the audiencia and government is the most expe-
ditious that has been experienced, without going beyond common rights ;
he has taken great care to look for highwaymen and to bring prisoners
from other provinces; and, to prevent the robberies and fires that often
occurred at night in the doors of the shops, he has ordered that those of
the business section be patrolled daily. By so doing still another end has
been gained, namely, the prevention of fraudulent evasion of the excise
tax, and the introduction of merchandise by night. He has caused to be
rebuilt the royal hospital of San Miguel, which previously was in such a
condition that the sick did not apply for help there because of the poor
accommodations. He has now re-erected the house and chapel for them,
and the dead, whom it was customary formerly to bury in a corral, are
now buried in the main church. He caused clothing to be bought for them
and attendants and other principal necessaries to be provided, and it is
to-day the public refuge of the poor and a great benefit to this city. He
has also aided the citizens and miners, as much as was possible, in the
great oppressions and extortions which a judge of the inspector, Don
Francisco Valles, imposed upon them. If the said Don Francisco and the
viceroy, the Count of Banos,84 had followed the advice of the president,
the province would have escaped those great calamities, the Indians and

186 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

lado este ano el enbio de plata a el pasado que con su cuidado de el presi-
dente fue por solo en costas de salarios de un ano llebo el jues mas de ocho
mil y tantos pesos para lo qual, cobro mas de trese mil pesos que cada peso,
con las estorsiones y Vexagiones se triplicaba a la parte ; Y al fin el presi-
dente es amigo de pobres y gente noble, mui facil en las audiencias, Cuida
mucho de el buen cobro de lo que se deve, a esta Ciudad, y su augmento.
Portase con gran Lusimiento en su Casa, coches, y criados, es amado
generalmente, de estos Vecjnos y Reino con general aplauso por su gran,
desinteres y apasibilidad, de que damos quenta a Vuestra Magestad que
guarde Dios Como la christiandad, a menester : Guadalaxara y agosto 2$
de 1664 afios.

Sus leales Vasallos de Vuestra magestad, Don Fernando Calderon
y Solis; Don Juan de Ulloa y Lisana; Diego Perez de Rivera.
[Todos con sus rubricas.~\

[Al mar gen se lee:']

Que a dado los oficios a los mas benemeritos.

Y los curatos a hijos patrimoniales de la tierra. Ampara los indios Y
mineros para que se aumenten los quintos Reales.

Se buscan por su orden los salteadores.

Hase que se ronde para escusar los hurtos, que de noche se hasian en
las tiendas.

A hecho reedificar el ospital casa Y capilla. Los difuntos que se enter-
raban en un corral se entierran ya en la Yglesia.

Probeyo de Ropa Y todo lo nescesario a el ospital. A asistido a los
mineros todo lo posible contra las vexaciones que hiso el visitador que
envio Don francisco balles que ocasiono ser el envio mas corto que el
conste porque de solos sus salarios llebo 8 mil pesos.

Es amigo de los Pobres y Gente noble facil en las audiencias portase
con gran lucimiento ampara a la Ciudad Con jeneral aplauso por su
afabilidad Y agrado.

[Al dorso se lee:']

Que se de priesa para que lo embie, Sefioria : esta carta escrivio la audi-
encia en 17 de nobiembre de 664.

Que lo Vea el sefior fiscal con lo demas que huviere en la materia.
[Una riibrica.]

Esta Carta se a de juntar Con las que se llevaron en 6 de Junio al sefior
fiscal de la audiencia en que se que j an del mal govierno de Don Antonio
alvarez y dan quenta de los exgesos que Comete y con otra de Don fran-
cisco balles de 18 de febrero de 665 en que trata de la Visita de guada-
lajara y sus cajas. Y esta asi mismo en poder del sefior fiscal desde 7 de
Junio de 665.

City of Guadalajara, 1664 187

servants would not have fled from the mining establishments, the royal
tithes would have increased, and the shipment of silver this year would
have equalled what it was last year under the management of the presi-
dent. Solely for the expense of salaries the judge took in one year
8000-odd pesos, for which he collected more than 13,000 pesos, every
one of which, on account of the vexations and annoyances on its part,
[seemed] to be tripled.

Finally, the president is a friend of both poor and noble people, is easy
of access in his audiences, and is solicitous in the collection of all that is
owing to this city; and in its advancement. He keeps his house, carriages,
and servants in great splendor, is generally loved, and from these citizens
and [this] kingdom [he inspires] general applause on account of his great
disinterestedness and affability. Of this we give account to your Majesty,
whom may God guard, as Christianity has need for. Guadalajara,
August 23, 1664.

The loyal subjects of your Majesty, Don Fernando Calderon y
Solis; Don Juan de Ulloa y Lisana; Diego Perez de Rivera. [All
signed with rubrics.']

[In the margin it reads:"]

He has given the offices to the most deserving and the curacies to the
native born sons of the country. He protects the Indians and miners so
that the royal tithes may be increased.

By his order highwaymen are sought out.

He causes patrols to be made to prevent the robberies that by night were
wont to occur in the stores.

He has caused the hospital, house, and chapel to be rebuilt. The dead,
who were [formerly] interred in a corral, are now buried in the church.

He provided the hospital with clothing and all necessaries. He has
aided the miners as far as possible against the extortions practised by the
inspector sent by Don Francisco Valles, who caused the shipment to be
less than usual. This is evident, because he carried off, for their salaries
alone, 8000 pesos.

He is a friend of the poor and of noble people, is easy of access in the
audiences, maintains himself in great splendor, and protects the city, with
general applause for his affability and agreeableness.

[On the back it reads:]

Let haste be made so that it may be sent to his lordship. The audiencia
wrote this letter on November 17, 1664.

Let the fiscal see it with the rest that there may be on the matter.
[A rubric]

This letter is to be added to those that were taken on the sixth of June
to the senor fiscal of the audiencia, in which complaints are made of the
bad government of Don Antonio Alvares and account is given of the
excesses committed by him, and with another of Don Francisco Valles of
February 18, 1665, in which he treats of the inspection of Guadalajara
and its funds. It is likewise in the possession of the senor fiscal since
June 7, 1665.

Seiior fiscal

188 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

[Inform* del Gobemador Antonio de Oca Sarmiento al Seiior Virrey.
El Parral, 12 de Mar 20 de i66y.~\q

Luego que llegue a este govierno Di quenta, a Vuestra Senoria del
estado en que se allava este Reino y sus provinzias, y de la Ressidenzia
de mi antesesor que se me encargo, y por si con la perdida del havisso,
y la inquietud que los yndios ocasionan no an llegado los Pliegos a tiempo
de flota, y que les ayan cogido los compreendidos en la comission pues
llevando estos mismos despachos, le mataron o ellos o los enemigos, sin
poderse averiguar asta oy quien aya sido, Doi segunda vez quenta de todo
al Consejo, asi en lo que toca, a lo militar como a lo Politico, y espero
en todo resivir las honrras de Vuestra Senoria en continuacion de las que
siempre se a servido hacerme, a que estare con el Rendido Reconocimiento
que devo de servidor suio :

Sehor: llegue a este govierno a los primeros de enero de 66 allandole
enzendido en guerras que los yndios salineros, y cavezas y sus aliados le
davan, haviendo echo liga con las naciones tonoza yaco-
clames y las de su sequito, que son muchas, y antes de
haver llegado a este Real, quinze dias despues de haver
tornado Posesion en Durango que esta, a la entrada de
este Reino, acometieron estas naciones en el medio del a los carros del
capitan Pedro de Andrade que yba a traer el agogue a este Real, dero-
taronseles, y mataron quanta gente y soldados llevavan en su defenssa;
Junte la gente de guerra que pude, y Yndios amigos (y aunque me allava
sesenta leguas de donde havia sucedido) le di alcanze en su tierra adonde
por la aspereqa della y por haverse puesto en huida se les hico poco dafio ;
continue despues reconozer sus tierras y por donde haze, las entradas a
las de los espanoles y Yndios amigos, Passandome a este Real adonde es
la continua avitacion de los governadores, y desde aqui procure atajar,
los dafios que haze con sus entradas, saliendo Personalmente a todo.
Y saviendo que la provincia de Conchos se alzava a ymitacion de estotros
enemigos y coligada con ellos, entre a su pacification, y la consegui, (a
Dios grazias) en muy corto tiempo. Castigando las cavezas de su alza-
miento; Siendo esta provincia de las mas ynportantes a este Reino, por
lo que servia sus haciendas del campo y Plata, y totalmente embarazava,
el Comercio del a de sinaloa y del Reino del nuevo mexico, Por ser Passo
preziso a entrambas partes; y asta oi se ha echo esto sin anadir mucho
gasto a su Magestad quando, otras Provincias en seme j antes ocasiones
an costado un sinfin de hazienda con estas ocasiones e logrado la de re-
conozer todo este Reino y sus Provincias Amigas, y enemigas que hazen
yreparables dafios, y mas sensibles quando su Magestad gasta con la gente
de guerra lo que pudiera vastar para su remedio siendo solo la mala dis-
pusicion la que ocasiona estos dafios; pues repartiendose la gente que
tiene asta cien soldados, con quarenta yndios amigos, a los parajes por
donde entra, a nuestras tierras en diez atalaias, en cada una Diez soldados,
con quatro yndios amigos, que de una a otra se den la mano, quedando
los enemigos sujetos al cordon que forman, y seguro el comercio y todo

q A. G. I., 66-6-18.

Senor fiscal.

Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1667 189

[Report of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento 85 to the senor viceroy.
El Parral, March 12, 166/.]

As soon as I arrived in this government I gave to your lordship an
account of the state of this kingdom and its provinces, and of the residen-
cia of my predecessor,86 which was intrusted to me. But. since the des-
patch may have been lost, and since, on account of Indian unrest, the
papers [may] not have arrived in time for the fleet, and since it is not
known whether those designated for this mission recovered the despatches,
for either one or all were killed, as they were carrying them, or else the
Indians were killed, and since I have not yet been able to ascertain which
[is the case], I again make a complete report to the Council concerning
military and political matters. I hope to continue to receive in all these
matters the honors which your lordship has always shown me, in the
expectation of which I shall continue to display the humble submission
which I owe as your servant.

Sir: I arrived in this government at the beginning of January, 1666;
I found it raging with the wars which the Salineros, their chiefs, and
their allies were conducting; they had leagued themselves
with the Tonoza and Yacoclames nations, and those un-
der their influence, who are many.

Before I had reached this camp, two weeks after I had
taken charge of the government in Durango, which is near the entrance
of this kingdom, these nations made an attack, in about the middle of it,
upon the wagons of Captain Pedro de Andrade, who was going to fetch
the quicksilver for this camp. They defeated Andrade and killed all the
men and the soldiers whom he had with him for defense. I therefore
gathered together all the soldiers and Indian allies I could, and (although
I was seventy leagues away from the scene), I overtook the Indians in
their own country, where, on account of its roughness and because the
Indians took to flight, I did them little damage. I then went on recon-
noitring their country and the place where they make their entry into the
lands of the Spaniards and the friendly Indians. Thence I came to this
camp, which is the permanent residence of the governors, and from this
place I attempted to restrict the damages which they commit upon their
raids, going out personally in all cases.

Learning that the province of Conchos, in imitation of these other
enemies and in league with them, was in rebellion, I went into their terri-
tory to pacify them. I met with success (thanks to God), in a short time,
punishing the leaders of their most important uprising. This province
is one of the most important of this kingdom, on account of the produc-
tions of its farms and silver mines, and the rebellion was completely
checking its commerce with Sinaloa and the kingdom of New Mexico,
lying, as it does, directly on the route to each [province]. Up to the
present this has been effected without much expense to his Majesty,
whereas other provinces in similar circumstances have cost endless
treasure.

In the performance of these measures I have had occasion to recon-
noitre this entire kingdom and its pacific provinces as well as its rebellious

190 Nueva Viscaya in the Seventeenth Century

el Reino, allandose en la vereda Real las diez atalaias, dividiendo los
amigos de los enemigos, segun se muestra en un mapa, que Remito a ese
Real consejo, que forme para mas vien dar a entender el yntento y se-
guridad de uno y otro; y se guarnezen estas atalaias sin anadir gasto a
su Magestad mas que de ocho soldados, y seis mill pesos por una vez
Para la fabrica de las atalaias (Como Vuestra Senoria conozera por mi
consulta que por no cansar a Vuestra Senoria pues la a dever no la Repito
en esta) con que queda preservado este Reino y sus Provincias a tan corta
dispusicion y Gasto, y sin ello se espera cada dia su total asolazion, por
allarse los soldados en parajes y presidios que no sirven; la tierra mui
dilatada; el enemigo con gran cuerpo y sin oposicion en sus fronteras;
y asi espero y este Reino de la Christianidad de Vuestra Senoria singular
Celo al servicio de su Magestad y de su grandeza, su remedio, pues es el
mas opulento de la nueba Espana.

En lo politico, Sefior, haviendome su Magestad encargado la residen-
cia de mi antesesor, y que segun un capitulo de carta del obispo de
Durango averiguase los fraudes que se hubiesen echo a la Real hazienda,
y darios de muertes en los naturales, lo ejecute asi, y en lo que toco, a Don
francisco de gorraiz mi antesesor, esta sentenciado menos en la parte de
un donativo que pidio con ocassion de Una Zedula de su Magestad sin
que judizialmente constase, el haverlo pedido, y haviendole tornado su
declaration Pareze no conbiene con las cantidades que declara haver per-
cibido *ni con las provincias a donde se pidio, siendo mas las cantidades
pedidas y las partes a donde se pidieron que las que declara, a cuia ocas-
sion despache a todas las provincias para la averiguacion y por estar tan
ynfestadas de guerras, no an acavado de llegar las diligenzias, que ajus-
tadas y dado satisfacion a la Real hazienda desto, Remitire toda la
Residencia.

De ella resulto culpado el sargento Maior Valerio Cortes, que lo fue de
Don francisco gorraiz por descargos suios, de haverle sido ynovediente, a
sus ordenes, de que Resultaron graves danos y muertes de naturales,
constando ser de muy natural, opuesto al govierno y servicio de su Mages-
tad y tan sospechosso en el que llego a decir era Have de este Reino ; con-
tinued la causa sobre todo y otros malos tratamientos que a los naturales
a echo el y sus Criados haviendo de ella Resultado en sus haziendas los
alcamientos de yndios que son los que oi dan la maior guerra a este Reino ;
y ademas de su inquietud, le alle acompafiado de dos hombres que tenia
en su cassa, uno ecclesiastico llamado Don francisco de los Rios yntrepi-
disimo asi en el pulpito como en el pueblo, expulsso de la Compafiia de
Jesus, conzitando, los vezinos de el contra mi antesesor de suerte que
temiendome los alborotasse pedi al cvispo en conssideracion de las zedulas
y hordenes de su Magestad le mandase salir como lo hico, dando Auto
para que saliese deste Reino y su obispado el otro secular Don francisco de
Somoza, que haviendo traido ynquieta la nueba Espana con sus atrozi-
dades, se retiro a este Reino para continuarlas o eximirse del castigo dellas,
con qui en conserto A cassar una hija suia el sargento maior, y teniendole
Preso y Provado todo haviendo salido a campafia se huio de la Carcel,
y haviendo ocurrido todos tres a la Audiencia de guadalaxara, sin mandar
diese Razon porque prozedia contra todos tres a Valerio Cortes le dieron

Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 166/ 191

ones, in which irreparable damages are done. These are the more serious
because his Majesty is spending on soldiers what should be sufficient
to effect the desired remedy, their unwise disposal being the only occasion
for these damages.

These forces, consisting of at least one hundred soldiers and forty
friendly Indians, should be located at the places where the enemy enter
our lands, and in ten watch-towers, each containing ten men and four
friendly Indians, in such a manner that they would support each other
and keep the enemy subject to the cordon of watch-towers thus formed ;
this would make commerce safe, as well as the entire kingdom, for the
ten watch-towers, placed upon the royal road, would divide the enemy
from the friendly Indians, as is shown upon a map, which I am sending
to that royal Council, which I drew for the purpose of better explaining
the plan and the security which they offer each other. These watch-
towers can be garrisoned without added expense to his Majesty save for
eight more soldiers, and 6000 pesos at the outset for the construction of
the towers (as your lordship will understand from my report which I
omit here lest I tire your lordship unnecessarily).

With this arrangement the kingdom and its provinces will be preserved
at very slight expense and with little change in disposition of the troops.
If the plan is not adopted our total desolation is daily anticipated because
the soldiers are placed in locations and presidios which are of no service;
the country is of great extent, and the enemy has large forces which
encounter no opposition on the frontier. I therefore hope, as does this
kingdom, that the Christian spirit of your lordship, singularly zealous for
the service of his Majesty and his greatness, will provide its remedy, for
it is the richest province of New Spain.

As to political affairs, Sir, his Majesty intrusted me with the residencia
of my predecessor, and, in conformity with an article in a letter from
the Bishop of Durango, [ordered me] to investigate frauds which had
been committed in the real hacienda, and the murders committed upon
the natives. These orders, therefore, I executed. With regard to my
predecessor, Don Francisco de Gorraez,87 he has been sentenced except in
the matter of a loan which [he claims] he demanded on receipt of a
cedula from his Majesty; without this cedula it does not appear that he
demanded it legally. The declaration of Gorraez having been taken, it
appears that it does not conform with the amounts which he declares he
has collected nor with the provinces in which he asked for the collections,
the amounts being greater and the provinces more numerous than he
acknowledges in the declaration. As a result I sent to all the provinces
to have investigations made, but, as they are so infested with wars, the
reports have not come in. When they have been received and the proper
amounts credited to the real hacienda, I will remit a report of the entire
residencia.

As a result of this residencia the former sargento mayor of Don Fran-
cisco Gorraez, Valerio Cortes, has been found guilty, upon his own
answers to the charges brought against him, of having been disobedient
to the governor's orders. As a result, serious injuries, even deaths, were
suffered by the natives. It has been made evident that the sargento mayor

192 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

provission para que no le hiciese causas ni prozediese contra el y que no le
prendiese y si le tenia preso le soltase y que me yniviese de las causas que
le tuviese echas y al clerigo le dieron provision de amparo; Remiti a
aquella Audiencia las causas en testimonios para instruirla de los naturales
y delitos de todos y de como contra Valerio Cortes obrava en virtud de
Comission de ese Real consejo, a quien tocaban las apelaciones y conozi-
mientos de ella, y que en esa consideration, no podia ynivirme ; haziendo
al acuerdo consulta, aparte, sobre todo y quan en perjuicio de la Juriss-
diccion Real y de la autoridad deste puesto y de la que debe tener en
provincias tan remotas y ynfestadas de guerras, era que se despachasen
tan facilmente tales provissiones, y a pedimiento de personas tan sos-
pechosas, y que tenian este Reino ynquieto, siendo caussa de quantos
danos padecia, Pues havian salido de sus haziendas tantos alcamientos
de yndios, que oi son los maiores enemigos : Doi quenta a Vuestra Sefioria
dello, para con bista de las causas y consultas que embio al Real Consejo
sea servido de mandar que la Audiencia no se embaraze en inpedir la
comission y averiguacion de fraudes y delitos que es tan del servicio de
su Magestad y alivio de estos naturales, pues mi justificacion y prozeder
en ella, sea de ver en ese Real Consejo ; y que, en quanto a la Jurisdizion
hordinaria, esten solo en admitir las apelaciones y no mas, sin contravenir,
a las Reales Zedulas de su Magestad dadas en favor de este Govierno,
y Capitania General; Guarde Dios a Vuestra Sefioria los muchos anos
que deseo con los aumentos que Mereze, Parral y Marco 12 de 1667 Besa
las manos de vuestra sefioria su mayor Servidor Antonio de Oca
Sarmiento.

Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1667 193

is, as is to be expected, opposed to the government and service of his
Majesty, and is regarded with suspicion because he went so far as to say
that he himself was the key to this kingdom. I continued his trial con-
cerning all this and other mistreatment of the natives by him and his ser-
vants, as a result of which rebellions of Indians occurred on his farms
which to-day are causing the most serious wars in the kingdom. In addi-
tion to this disturbance, I found that he had two men in his house as com-
panions, one of them an ecclesiastic named Don Francisco de los Rios,
a man bold in the pulpit and in the town, who was expelled from the
Company of Jesus, and who was exciting the settlers of the place against
my predecessor in such a manner that, fearful lest he should cause them
to rebel, I asked the bishop, in view of the cedulas and orders of his
Majesty, to order him to go away. The bishop did so, issuing an auto
commanding him to depart from this kingdom and from his bishopric.
The other companion [of Cortes] was a secular, Don Francisco de
Somoza, who had stirred up all New Spain by his atrocious acts and had
retired to this kingdom to continue them or to escape punishment for
them, and to whom the sargento mayor agreed to give his daughter in
marriage. I was holding him [Somoza] a prisoner, all charges against
him having been proven, but while I was out on a campaign he escaped
from prison. All three of these men then appealed to the Audiencia of
Guadalajara. That court, without ordering an investigation as to why
I was bringing actions against all three, gave to Valerio Cortes a writ
specifying that no causes nor processes should be brought against him,
nor should he be taken prisoner, and if he were so taken he should be set
free; moreover, I was forbidden to prosecute the charges which I had
brought against him. To the cleric, the audiencia issued a writ of protec-
tion. I sent to the audiencia transcripts of the cases in order to inform them
of the nature of the crimes of each of the men, and I explained that I
was proceeding against Valerio Cortes by virtue of a commission from
the royal Council of the Indies, to which body lay any appeal, or cogni-
zance, of the case, and that, as a consequence, the audiencia had no power
to inhibit my action. I also made representation to that court in a separate
document concerning the entire situation, showing how prejudicial it
was to the royal jurisdiction and to the authority of my position, as it
should exist in provinces, so remote and so afflicted by wars, for them
to issue such orders so readily at the request of persons of such suspicious
character, who were keeping the kingdom perturbed, and were the cause
of all the ills from which it suffered, for all the uprisings of the Indians
who are now our worst enemies had their beginnings on the farms of
these men.

I am making a report to your lordship concerning this matter, so that
you may, with knowledge of the cases and the reports which I am sending
to the royal Council, be pleased to command that the audiencia shall not
undertake to obstruct me in the discharge of my commission and the
investigation of frauds and crimes — a commission which is of such great
service to his Majesty and of so much benefit to these natives. As to my
justification and procedure in the matter, let that be considered in that
royal Council. I also hope that you will order the audiencia that in the

194 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

[Carta del Governador Antonio de Oca Sarmiento a la Reyna. San Joseph
del Parral, ip de Marzo de 1667.Y

Senora: Aviendome Su Magestad hecho merced de este Govierno, fue
servido darme su Real Zedula para tomase la Ressidencia a don fran-
cisco de Gorraiz, mi antecessor, sin limitacion de tiempo respecto de lo
dilatado de sus Provinzias y quanto las ynfestan los yndios enemigos
alcados, con las guerras que las hacen, mandandome en virtud de un
capitulo de Carta del Obispo de Durango, averiguase los frandes que a
la Real hacienda se abian hecho en este tiempo, Muertes y danos de los
naturales, caussadas por omission de Don francisco de Gorraiz, y sus
ministros, y aviendo entendido en ella le hice los cargos que de sus ex-
cessos pude averiguar, y admitiendole los descargos que dio, di sentencia
en todos, (con parezer del Lizenciado Don Juan Zessati, Oidor de la Real
Audiencia de Guadalaxara, y en ella se manda diese satisfacion a la Real
hacienda de algunas cantidades, que entendi fuesen mas, de que apelo para
ante Vuestra Magestad) menos en la parte de un donativo que se le en-
cargo por una Real Zedula, que aviendo hallado le avia pedido sin la
justificacion, ni autuar E ni dalle el cobro, ni la buena cuenta y racon que
deviera, hize Jurasse y declarasse en que Provincias y lugares lo havia
pedido, que cantidades se avian dado, y que paradero avian tenido, y
aviendo jurado y declarado que en la ciudad de Durango le avia pedido,
en el Real de Cuencame y en el de Guanacivi, no mas, aviendo despachado
a todas las Provincias y Reales de este Reino mandamientos para la averi-
guacion de si se avia Pedido, o, no, hallo averse perdido en muchas mas
partes de las que Juro y declaro, con que quedo entendiendo en la averi-
guacion y satisfacion de la Real hacienda en este punto, esperando fene-
cerle para remitirlo con toda la mas Ressidencia a Vuestra Magestad Y
por ajustarlo mexor, y ser las Provincias de este Reino tan dilatadas hice
legajo y cargo a parte debaxo de su declaracion y Juramiento, y porque
se avia de gastar mucho tiempo en esto, y hallarse Don francisco de Go-
rraiz mui quebrantada la salud en este Real, pidiendome Licencia para yrse
a curar a la Ciudad de Mexico, se la di haciendo dejarse poder bastante
para lo dependiente de mi comission. En este estado se halla lo que a
Don francisco Gorraiz toca.

De los descargos que a los cargos que le hice dio en lo demas de su
Residencia, resulto culpado el Sargento mayor Valerio Cortes que lo fue

'A. G. I., 66-6-18.

8 Obviously a miscopy for " actuar ".

Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 166 J 195

affairs of the ordinary jurisdiction they shall admit appeals only, and
shall not obstruct the royal cedulas of his Majesty issued in favor of this
government and captaincy-general. May God guard your lordship the
many years which I desire, and give you the success which you merit.
Parral, March 12, 1667. Your chief servant kisses your lordship's hand.
Antonio de Oca Sarmiento.

[Letter of Governor Antonio de Oca Sarmiento 88 to the Queen.*0
San Joseph del Parral, March 19, 1667.']

Madam: Your Majesty having given me the appointment to this gov-
ernment, you were pleased to give me your royal cedula ordering me to
take the residencia of my predecessor, Don Francisco de Gorraez,90 with-
out limitation of time, because the province is so large and so infested
by the revolted Indians who make war in it. You commanded me, in con-
formity with an article in a letter from the Bishop of Durango, to inves-
tigate the frauds which had been committed against the real hacienda
during that time, and the deaths and other injuries to the natives caused
by the negligence of Don Francisco de Gorraez and his ministers. Having
instituted the residencia, I charged him with the abuses which I was able
to ascertain, heard his defense, and, taking cognizance of the pleas which
he made, I passed sentence upon him with the advice of the licenciado
Don Juan Zessati, oidor of the royal Audiencia of Guadalajara, whereby
he is ordered to make restitution to the real hacienda of certain amounts,
which I understood might be larger, and concerning which I appeal to
your Majesty except in the matter of a forced loan which was placed in
his charge by a royal cedula. Finding that he had called for the loan
without showing his authority for so doing, and that he had not pro-
ceeded judicially either in safeguarding the fund or in keeping an account
of it in proper manner, I made him take an oath and declare in what
provinces and places he had demanded the loan, what sums had been
given, and where they had been kept. He swore and declared that he had
demanded the loan in the city of Durango, the Real de Cuencame, the
Real de Guanacebi, and no others. But I found, upon sending orders to
all the provinces and camps of this kingdom to ascertain whether the loan
had been requested or not, that it had been called for in many more places
than those mentioned in his oath and declaration. I am therefore engaged
in the investigation and the satisfaction of the real hacienda in this mat-
ter, hoping to finish in order to send to your Majesty a report concerning
all the rest of the residencia. In order to arrange things best, and because
of the vastness of the provinces of this kingdom, I made a separate bundle
and package of the papers containing his declaration and oath. And be-
cause the investigation would have taken much time, and because Don
Francisco de Gorraez, greatly broken in health, was in this camp implor-
ing me for license to go to Mexico City for treatment, I granted him per-
mission to go, first causing him to arrange power of attorney with some-
14

196 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

todo el tiempo de su Govierno, de muchas ynobediencias que a Ordenes
suyas tubo de que resultaron graves dafios a este Reino y sus naturales,
y ser de muy ynquieto natural, y poco afecto al servicio de Vuestra
Magestad opuesto al Govierno y a todo jenero de ministros, siendo su
altivez de calidad que llego a dezir era la Have de este Reino, y para
asegurarme mas de su proceder, aviendo sabido que el enemigo estaba
en la sierra que llaman de Xicorica, de donde acostumbra hacer graves
dafios a los naturales con muertes y Robos Le di Orden, soldados y yndios
amigos para que lo fuese a hechar de la Sierra, y aviendo topado con el
rastro del enemigo despidio los yndios amigos, sin seguir al enemigo, en
contravencion de la horden que llevaba Volviendose a este Real, y Repre-
hendiendole yo su ynobediencia, tubo conmigo los desaogos que acostum-
bra con sus superiores. Hice caveza de processo contra el Juntandole las
culpas y delitos que resultavan de los descargos de Don francisco de
Gorriz y lo Reforme de su puesto prosiguiendo a la averiguacion de sus
maldades y mal tratamiento que a los naturales a hecho siempre de que an
resultado muchas muertes en sus haciendas y de ellas alcamientos de Yn-
dios enemigos, que oi son los que maior Guerra dan a este Reino y otras
atrocidades que con esclavos y sirvientes suios hacia, de que, asimismo,
se ocassionaron muertes haciendose soberano en todo, sin respeto a la
Justicia, ni a mis antecesores, amenacandoles (para conseguirlo todo)
ynquietarlos con ynivissiones y provissiones de la Real Audiencia de
Guadalaxara, como todo consta de la caussa que remito a Vuestra Mages-
tad por mano del fiscal del Real Consejo de Yndias. Y aviendo Valerio
Cortes savido que yo procedia contra el Ocurrio a Guadalaxara y saco
provision para que yo Remitiese La Caussa y me yniviesse del Conoci-
miento de ella a que respondi, y hice consulta, obraba en Virtud de Comis-
sion de Vuestra Magestad, a quien tocavan las apelaciones y ynivissiones,
y que por ese respecto no podia ynivirme y continuaba en el conocimiento
y averiguacion de los delitos de Valerio Cortes remitiendo a aquella Audi-
encia un traslado de la causa, solo para instruirla del mal natural y pro-
cedimiento de Valerio Cortes, para que no se moviessen con la facilidad
que por aca se acostumbra, a la solicitud de hombres tan peligrosos, y con
quien se necessita mucho cuidado, respecto de sus tiranias y crueldades, y
averse querido introducir a soberano con ellas a cuia caussa, Supplico a
Vuestra Magestad sea servido mandar que la Audiencia de Guadalaxara,
deje obrar en cossa que tanto importa al servicio de Vuestra Magestad
Paz y quietud de este Reino y sus Provincias, satisfacion de la Real
hacienda, y alivio de los naturales (que tanto encarga Vuestra Magestad
sus buenos tratamientos) y este los tiene perseguidos con sus rigores.
Ademas de su ynquietud le halle en su cassa acompaiiado de Un clerigo
expulsso de la Compafiia de Jhessus llamado Don francisco de los Rios
que predicaba con grandisima desemboltura, y yndecencia, contra Don
francisco Gorraiz mi antecessor, (estandole tomando y su Ressidencia)
de calidad que se hubiera amotinado este lugar, a no aver ocurrido al
Obispo de Guadiana para que lo hiciera salir de este Reino y su obispado,
como lo hico en consideracion de las Racones que le propuse para ello,
y de quanto ynquietaba con su modo de proceder, este Reino ; Asimismo
tenia en su compafiia el Sarxento mayor Valerio Cortes, y concertado a

Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1667 197

one competent to act for him in the affairs of my commission. This is
the condition of affairs so far as Don Francisco de Gorraez is concerned.

It developed from the answers he made to the charges which I pre-
ferred in the remainder of the residencia, that the sargento mayor, Valerio
Cortes, who held the office throughout the entire term of Gorraez, was
guilty of frequent disobedience to the governor's orders which resulted
in grave injuries to this kingdom and to the natives. It further developed
that the sargento mayor was of a very restless disposition, little inclined
to the service of your Majesty, and opposed to the government and all its
ministers. His haughtiness was so great that he even went so far as to
say that he was the key to this kingdom. Desiring to be more certain
concerning his attitude, and having learned that the enemy was in the
mountains called Xixorica, whence they are accustomed to do great dam-
age to the natives by killing and robbing them, I gave him orders [to
take] soldiers and friendly Indians and drive the enemy out of the moun-
tains. But when he came upon their tracks he dismissed the friendly
Indians and did not follow the enemy, contrary to the orders which he
carried.

When Valerio Cortes returned to this camp and I reprimanded him
for disobedience, he displayed toward me his usual impudence toward
his superiors. I brought a process against him, charging him with all the
faults and crimes which were shown in the answers given by Don Fran-
cisco de Gorraez [in his residencia']. I also removed him from his posi-
tion, and continued to investigate his evil acts and his habitual mis-
treatment of the natives. From these there have resulted many murders
on his farms, and on them there have been begun uprisings of unfriendly
Indians who are now waging the worst wars in this kingdom. I also
investigated other atrocities which he committed against his slaves and
servants, from which deaths also resulted. He has acted as a sovereign
in everything, without respect for justice nor for my predecessors, threat-
ening them (in order to accomplish his purposes) to harass them with
inhibitions and orders from the royal Audiencia of Guadalajara, as ap-
pears from the cause which I remitted to your Majesty through the hand
of the fiscal of the royal Council of the Indies.

Valerio Cortes having learned that I was proceeding against him, went
to Guadalajara and obtained an order that I should remit the cause against
him and take no more cognizance of it. To this I responded and made a
report [saying] that I was operating by virtue of a commission from
your Majesty, with whom lay all appeals and inhibitions, and that for
this reason the audiencia could not inhibit me. I therefore continued to
ascertain and investigate the crimes of Valerio Cortes and sent to that
audiencia a transcript of the process, merely to inform that body con-
cerning his bad character and actions, in order that they should not be
moved as easily as they are wont by men of such dangerous character,
who need careful handling on account of their tyranny and cruelty,
whereby they have tried to possess themselves of sovereignty. I therefore
beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command the Audiencia of Guada-
lajara to stop interfering in a matter of so great importance to the service
of your Majesty, the peace and quiet of this kingdom and its provinces,

198 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

cassar con una hixa suia, a Don francisco Somoza a quien ofrecio en dote
ochenta mill pessos, sin que tubiesse mas que la capa al hombro, solo
por confrontar con su inquietud natural, y aver traido rebuelta la nueba
espana haciendo en ella diferentes delitos y atrocidades, y una muerte
en la Ciudad de Tepeaca, y teniendole, con noticias, provado esto le prendi,
y despache cartas de Justicia a la nueba espana y ciudad de Tepeaca, Y a
este medio tiempo se me ofrecio salir a campana, a la pacificacion de la
provincia de Conchos y castigo de los Tobosos, con cuia occassion se huio
de la carcel, y todos tres Ocurrieron a la Audiencia de Guadalaxara,
adonde no dudo abran prorrumpido con aviesso de sus naturales, en odio
y Venganza mia para con eso turbar el conocimiento y castigo de sus
maldades, por averles Dividido, con conocimiento de que juntos pudieran
causar qualquier ynquietud en este Reino. Y por si la Audiencia de Guada-
laxara. a solicitud suya lo embarazare y despachare Juez de Residencia
contra mi, en contravencion de una zedula que Su Magestad fue servido
despachar a favor mio en esa Corte, a ocho de Junio de mill Seiscientos y
sesenta y cinco afios, en que Vuestra Magestad manda, en el tiempo que
yo governare en este Reino, no despache la Audiencia de Guadalaxara
tales juezes de Ressidencia, con ningun Pretexto Supplico a Vuestra
Magestad sea servido, mandarse este por dicha zedula, sin que este casso
de Valerio Cortes sea bastante para ello, antes bien combiene al servicio
de Vuestra Magestad Paz y quietud de estos Reinos, sea castigado por
sus delitos, y aver de remitir yo dicha caussa al Real Consejo de Vuestra
Magestad de Yndias, adonde en vista de lo autuado hasta oy, que remito,
espero conocera Vuestra Magestad mi celo y justificacion en su Real Ser-
vicio, Solicitando la defenssa, Paz y quietud de este Reino y sus Provin-
cias; Guarde Dios a Vuestra Magestad los muchos afios que la Chris-
tianidad a menester San Joseph del Parral y Marzo diez y nueve de mill
seiscientos y sesenta y siete afios. Antonio de Oca Sarmiento.

Antonio de Oca Sarmiento, 1667 199

the satisfaction of the real hacienda, and the relief of the natives (whose
good treatment your Majesty so often commands), and whom this man
has so often persecuted with harshness.

In addition to his disturbances, I found that he had as companions in
his house an expelled cleric of the Company of Jesus, named Don Fran-
cisco de los Rios, who was preaching with great boldness and lack of
decency against my predecessor, Don Francisco de Gorraez (while I was
taking his residencia) . His opposition was of such character that this
place might have been moved to revolt if I had not appealed to the Bishop
of Guadiana to command the cleric to depart from the kingdom and
bishopric. The bishop complied out of consideration for the reasons
which I submitted and because of the unrest which he was occasioning
this kingdom by his actions. The sargento mayor Valerio Cortes also
had in his company Don Francisco Somoza, to whom he had agreed to
give his daughter in marriage, and to whom he offered a dowry of 80,000
pesos. Somoza did not possess anything but the cape on his shoulder,
merely because he was of his own restless disposition. He has stirred up
all New Spain by the perpetration of various crimes and atrocities, includ-
ing a murder in the city of Tepeaca. Being in possession of proofs of
this, I arrested him and sent judicial advice of the fact to New Spain and
to the city of Tepeaca.

At this time I found it necessary to go on a campaign for the pacifica-
tion of the province of Conchos and the punishment of the Tobosos,
whereupon Somoza escaped from jail, and all three companions went to
the Audiencia of Guadalajara, where I have no doubt they have broken
out with all the perversity of their natures in hatred and vengeance upon
me for the purpose of retarding the investigation and punishment of
their evil deeds, especially in view of the fact that I had separated them
because I knew that if they were allowed to remain together they would
cause all manner of disturbance to this kingdom.

Lest the Audiencia of Guadalajara should at their instance attempt to
embarass me and send a residencia judge against me, in contravention of
a cedula which your Majesty was pleased to issue in my favor at that
court on June 8, 1665, in which your Majesty commands that during the
time in which I shall serve as governor of this kingdom the Audiencia
of Guadalajara shall under no pretext send out such residencia judges,
I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command that this cedula shall
be obeyed, and that the case of Valerio Cortes shall not be considered to
warrant the sending of a residencia judge; but that it is on the contrary
fitting to the service of your Majesty and the peace and quiet of this
kingdom that he should be punished for his crimes ; and that I shall remit
his case to your Majesty's royal Council of the Indies, where, full knowl-
edge being had of all the process to this date, which I am remitting,
I trust that your Majesty will take cognizance of my zeal and uprightness
in your royal service, and my solicitude for the defense, peace, and quiet
of this kingdom and its provinces. May God guard your Majesty the
many years for which Christendom has need of you. San Joseph del
Parral, March 19, 1667. Antonio de Oca Sarmiento.

200 Naeva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Al Virrey de Nueva Espana Sobre que se quite una ymposicion que los
Governadores de la Nueva Vizcaya han hecho a los Yndios de aquella
Provincia y avisse los motivos que Huvo para ello con lo demas que
se le ordena.1 [Madrid, 22 de Junio de i6jo.~\

La Reyna Governadbra. Marques de Marfjera, etc., Virrey, etc. :
... en capitulo de carta que me escrivio en el mes de Abril del ano pasado
de 1669 El obispo de la Yglesia Cathedral de la ciudad de Durango en la
Provincia de la Nueva Vizcaya refiere quan molestados se hallan los Yn-
dios de ella, obligandoles a retirarse a los Montes, donde Carezen de la
administracion de los Santos Sacramentos, estando Bautizados muchos
de ellos, el Veer tan oprimidos por los Governadores a otros que estan
congregados en Pueblos con los Repartimientos que hazen a titulo de
Encomienda a los mineros y Lavadores estandoles prohivido por Cedulas
Reales con graves penas y que la ocasion, es porque los tienen ocupados
la mayor parte del ano en las Labrangas de sus Haciendas, dejando a sus
familias, sin Recurso para sustentarse y les pagan su Servicio en Ropa
a precios muy subidos todo lo qual havia significado al obispo. Don Juan
Constantino Yndio Governador de los de la Nacion Concha, quejandosse
de que el Governador de la Nueva Vizcaya le compelia a que fuesse a
traer de los Montes a los Yndios encomendados, y que lo hacia con gran
riesgo de su Vida, porque se resisten en forma de alsamientto por las
caussas referidas, supplicome mande aplicar el Remedio convenientte
para evittar Semejantes excessos y que aquellas Provincias se mantengan
en Paz y los Yndios no carezcan de la administracion de los Santtos Sacra-
mentos y educacion en la doctrina Christiana; Y haviendose Visto en el
Conssejo Real de las Yndias con los testimonios que Remitio tocantes a
lo Referido y lo que Sovre ello dijo el fiscal de el; Ha parecido Ordenaros
y mandaros (como lo Hago) que luego que recivais este Despacho deis
las Ordenes convenientes para que luego al punto se quite y revoque el
dicho tributo, o ymposicion que refiere el Obispo haverse cargado a los
Yndios, y que assimismo hagays averiguacion sobre quienes han sido los
Auttores de el y en la primera occasion que haviere me ynformareis de
las razones y mottivos que ha havido para su ymposicion y que tiempo
havra que se Cargo, y lo que ha montado, y en que se ha convertido. —
Fecha en Madrid, 22 de Junio de 1670 — Yo la Reyna.u

[Sigue otro escrito igual a la Audiencia de Guadalaxara, de la misma
fecha.

Otra identica al Governador de Nueva Vizcaya Don Antonio de Oca,
de la misma fecha.v — F. R. B.]

'A. G. I., 103-3-1.

" F. R. B., Sevilla.

▼Either the original, or a copy, of each of these two letters is in A. G. I., 144-1-15.
They are concluded as follows : " Por mandado de su Magestad. Francisco Ynez de
Madrigal. Y senalada del Consejo."— C. W. H.

Impost on Indians, i6jo 201

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering the removal of an impost which
the governors of Nueva Vizcaya have laid upon the Indians of that
province, and asking him to report the reason for levying it, and to
comply with other orders. [Madrid, June 22, 1670.]

The Queen Regent.91 Marquis of Mancera,92 etc., viceroy, etc.: . . .
In an article of a letter which the bishop of the cathedral church of the
city of Durango, in the province of Nueva Vizcaya, wrote to me in April
of last year, 1669, he relates how afflicted are the Indians of that province.
They are obliged to retire to the mountains, where they lack administra-
tion of the holy sacraments, although many of them have been baptized.
Others, who are gathered in towns in repartimiento which the governors
give under title of encomienda to the miners and farmers — this, notwith-
standing, being prohibited by royal cedulas under heavy penalties — are
grievously oppressed by the governors. The occasion for this is that they
are kept busy for the greater part of the year in the work of the farms,
their families being left without resources for their sustentation, and they
themselves being paid for their labor in clothing at exorbitant prices.
All this had been reported to the bishop by the Indian governor of the
Concha nation, Don Juan Constantino, who complained that the governor
of Nueva Vizcaya had compelled him to go and fetch from the moun-
tains the Indians who had been in encomienda, and that he had done so
at great risk to his life, as they had revolted on account of the reasons
given above.

The bishop besought me to apply a suitable remedy so that such abuses
might not recur, that the peace of the provinces might be preserved, and
that the Indians might not lack the administration of the holy sacraments
and instruction in the Christian doctrine. The matter having been con-
sidered in the royal Council of the Indies together with the transcripts
which the bishop sent concerning it, and the opinion of the fiscal of the
Council, it has seemed wise to order and command you (as I do), that
as soon as you receive this despatch you shall give suitable orders to have
the tribute or impost which the bishop says has been laid on the Indians
removed and revoked at once ; you shall also make an investigation as to
who authorized the tax, and at your earliest opportunity you will report
to me the cause or reason for its imposition, how long it has been collected,
to what sum it has amounted, and in what this has been invested. Dated
at Madrid, June 22, 1670. I the Queen.

[There follows a similar letter to the Audiencia of Guadalajara bearing
the same date.

There is an identical letter to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Don
Antonio de Oca, bearing the same date — F. R. B.]

202 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Al Obispo de la Nueva Vizcaya sobre que se observe lo dispuesto en las
cedulas ariva ynsertas en que se manda que los Curas doctrineros
sean examinados por los Prclados en la lengua de los Yndios.w
[Madrid, 6 de Septiembre de 1670.]

La Reyna Governadora. Reverendo en Cristo: Padre obispo de la
Yglesia Cathedral de la Ciudad de Durango en la Provincia de la Nueva
Vizcaya, del Consejo del Rey mi hi jo, El Rey mi Seiior que este en gloria,
mando despachar La Cedula del tenor Siguiente :

[Aqui La Cedula de 10 de Junio de 1631, que entra Por quanto y esta
assentada en H*8,* para de oficio de 633 hasta 636.]

Y en carta, que me escrivisteis en treinta de Abril del afio pasado de
1667, Referis los dafios espirituales que se ocasionan en esas Provincias
de la Administracion de las doctrinas que tienen a su cargo los Religiosos
de la Compania de Jhesus por no querer guardar la forma del Real
Patronato ni lo dispuesto por el Santo Conzilio de Trento examinandose
y aprovandose en la suficiencia y lenguas para ser Curas por el Prelado
de su diosesi, y que los mas de ellos no saben las lenguas de los Yndios
ni aun la Mexicana conque no pueden ynstruyrlos en la doctrina cristiana,
y los confiesan por medio de Un Ynterprete de que pueden resultar graves
ynconvenientes y poco util en su Reduzion de que me dais quenta para
que mande proveer del Remedio Conveniente de suerte que se evite este
desorden, y haviendose Visto en el Conssejo Real de las Yndias, Ha pare-
cido deciros que supuesto que por las Cedulas arriva yncertas esta dis-
puesto lo que se deve executar en quanto a que los sugetos que fueren
presentados, para las doctrinas Sean examinados y aprovados por los
Arcobispos, y obispos de su diosesi en la lengua de los Yndios que han de
doctrinar, y conforme a esto, os toca la observancia, y Cumplimiento
dello, Os ruego y encargo, que pues teneis entendido quanto ymporta que
los doctrineros Sean muy bersados en el Ydioma de los naturales a quien
han de administrar los Santos Sacramentos pongays en ello el cuydado
y atencion que conviene, para excusar el dano que de lo contrario Resulta,
y el grave escrupulo que deve causar qualquier omision 6 tolerancizia que
en ello aya a que deveis ocurrir como Prelado y Pastor espiritual obrando
con el celo y Vigilancia que corresponde a Vuestra obligacion — fecha en
Madrid a 6 de septiembre de 1670. — Yo la Reyna/

WA. G. L, 1 03-3- 1.

x It is not known for what this abbreviation stands.

y F. R. B., Sevilla.

Knowledge of Indian Language, 1670 203

To the bishop of Nueva Vizcaya, commanding observance of the provi-
sions of the cedulas inserted above, in which it is ordered that parish
priests be examined in the language of the Indians by the prelates.
[Madrid, September 6, 1670.I

The Queen Regent.03 Reverend Father in Christ, bishop of the cathe-
dral church of the city of Durango,94 in the province of Nueva Vizcaya,
[member] of the Council of the king, my son : 95 The king, my lord, who
is now deceased,96 ordered issued the cedula whose tenor is as follows :

[Here appears the cedula of June 10, 1631, just as it is set down in
the record of official papers for the years 1633-1636.]

And in a letter which you wrote to me on April 30 of the past year,
1667, you recount the spiritual injury occasioned in those provinces from
the administration of the doctrinas which the religious of the Company
of Jesus have in charge, because they do not care to observe the provi-
sions of the real patronato 9T nor the regulations of the holy Council of
Trent,98 namely, that in order to become parish priests they shall be ex-
amined and approved as to ability and proficiency in languages by the
prelate of their diocese. You say that most of them do not know the lan-
guages of the Indians, nor even the Mexican language, so that they can-
not instruct the Indians in the Christian doctrine, and they hear their con-
fessions by means of an interpreter. From this may follow serious
difficulties and little success with respect to their reduction, concerning
which you give me an account in order that I may provide the suitable
remedy, so that [in turn] this disorder may be avoided.

This matter having been considered in the royal Council of the Indies,
it has seemed wise to say to you that, inasmuch as it is stipulated in
the cedulas inserted above what ought to be done with respect to those
persons who may be presented for the doctrinas, let them be examined
and approved by the archbishops and bishops of their dioceses in the In-
dian languages in which they are to give religious instruction. Accord-
ingly, its observance and fulfillment rests with you. I command and
charge you, [therefore,] since you understand how important it is that
religious instructors should be well versed in the language of the Indians,
to whom they are to administer the holy sacraments, to give this matter
proper care and attention in order to prevent the harm, which, on the
contrary, results, and to prevent the serious consequences which any re-
missness or laxity must necessarily cause. As a prelate and spiritual
pastor, you ought to take action to remedy such a defect, laboring with
zeal and watchfulness as your obligation demands. Dated at Madrid,
September 6, 1670. I the Queen.

204 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Al Virrey de la Nueva espana que ynforme ssobre si conbendra agregar
al Governador de la nueva Vizcaya el Govierno de los Presidios de
sinaloa el cerro gordo y san sevastian de aquella provincia.
Corregida. Con duplicado. Duplicose.z [Madrid, 6 de Septiembre
de i6jo.~\

La Reina Governadora. Marques de Mancera Pariente del consejo de
Guerra Virrey Governador y Cappitan General de las provincias de
Nueva espana y Presidente de la Audiencia Real que Reside en la ciudad
de Mexico o a la persona o personas a cuyo cargo fue su Govierno en el
Consejo Real de las Yndias se a tenido noticia de los inconvenientes que
Resultan para la defensa y seguridad de las provincias de la nueva Viz-
caya de que el Govierno militar de ellas este dividido corriendo a Vuestro
Cargo la provision de las Placas del Presidio de Sinaloa que tiene qua-
renta y cinco soldados y un cappitan Y el del Zerro Gordo que tiene otro
capitan con veinte y quatro soldados y otra plaqa mas para un Yndio que
sirve de espia, Y el de San Sebastian con otro capitan y seis soldados con
trezientos y cinquenta pesos de sueldo al ano cada uno. Y a cargo del
Governador de dichas provincias estan los presidios de santa Catalina y
san Ypolito, cada uno con su cappitan y nueve soldados y treinta hombres
de campaiia con quatrocientos y cinquenta pesos cada una al afio. Y havi-
endo esta Guarnicion no se castiga a los Yndios Reveldes escusandose
los governadores con que no tienen jente suficiente por que la de los dichos
presidios que estan a vuestra orden no le obedecen y que seria muy com-
beniente para la defensa y seguridad de aquellas provincias que toda la
jente militar dellas estubiesse a orden y del Governador y Cappitan Gen-
eral de la Nueva Vizcaya. Y Haviendose Visto en el consejo Real de las
Yndias a parecido ordenaros y mandaros (como lo hago) me ynformeis
del estado y forma en que estan aquellas presidios y como se goviernan,
y si convendra agregarlos todos a la Jurisdicion y Dominio del Governa-
dor de la nueva vizcaya o si de ello podra seguirse algun ynconveniente o
que disposicion se podra dar que sea mas eficaz para la seguridad de aquel-
los Basallos y correccion de los yndios Reveldes y que se eviten los delitos
que cometen dando ssobre ello Vuestro parezer para que con entera noticia
de todo se tome la Resolucion que convenga fecha en Madrid a seis de
settiembre de mill y seiscientos y setenta anos. Yo la Reyna. Por man-
dado de su magestad Don Francisco Fernandez de Madrigal : sena-
lada del Consejo.

Al fiscal de la Audiencia de Guadalaxara dando reprezentacion por haver
pedido se ponga en Livertad a los Yndios del distrito de ella, que
tenian por esclavos.0, [Madrid, jj de Diciembre de 1672.]

La Reyna Governadora. Lizenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Mon-
terroso oydor de la Audiencia de la ciudad de Guadalaxara . . . que

'A. G. I., 144-1-15. aA. G. I. 103-3-2.

Emancipation of Indians, 1672 205

To the viceroy of New Spain, ordering him to report as to whether it
would be fitting to assign to the governor of Nueva Vizcaya the con-
trol of the presidios of Sinaloa, Cerro Gordo, and San Sebastian, of
that province. Corrected; with a duplicate. Let it be duplicated.
[Madrid, September 6, 1670.]

The Queen Regent.09 Marquis of Mancera,100 relative, member of the
Council of War, governor and captain-general of the provinces of New
Spain, and president of the royal audiencia which sits in the city of
Mexico, or to the person, or persons, in whose charge its government may
be : The royal Council of the Indies learned of the difficulties that arise
with reference to the defense and security of the provinces of Nueva
Vizcaya, due to the fact that the military government of these provinces
is divided — there being under your charge the control of the presidio of
Sinaloa, which has forty-five soldiers and a captain; that of Cerro Gordo,
which has another captain, twenty-four soldiers, and a place for an In-
dian who serves as a spy; and that of San Sebastian, with another cap-
tain, and six soldiers, the salary of each being 350 pesos per year. Also
under the control of the governor of the said provinces are the presidios
of Santa Catalina and San Hipolito, each with its captain, nine soldiers,
and thirty field soldiers, the salary of each being 450 pesos per year. But,
with all these garrisons, the rebellious Indians are not punished, for the
governors excuse themselves from assisting by saying that they do not
have a sufficient force, because the forces in the said presidios, which are
under your charge, do not obey ; therefore it would be very suitable for
the defense and security of those provinces that the entire military force in
them should be under the command of the governor and captain-general
of Nueva Vizcaya.

The matter having been taken up in the royal Council of the Indies,
it has seemed wise to order and command you (as I do) to report to me
concerning the state and condition of those presidios, how they are gov-
erned, if it would be wise to assign them all to the jurisdiction and con-
trol of the governor of Nueva Vizcaya, or whether any detriment would
arise from this, or what arrangement may be made that may be more
efficacious for the security of those vassals, the correction of the rebel-
lious Indians, and the prevention of the crimes which they commit. You
will also give me your opinion concerning the situation so that, with com-
plete knowledge of everything, the proper course may be taken. Dated
at Madrid, September 6, 1670. I the Queen. By command of her
Majesty. Don Francisco Fernandez de Madrigal. Signed by the
Council.

To the fiscal of the Audiencia of Guadalajara, offering acknowledgments
for his having asked that the Indians of that district whom they hold
as slaves be set at liberty. [Madrid, December 13, i6f2.~\

The Queen Regent.101 Licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monter-
roso, oidor of the Audiencia of the City of Guadalajara . . . serving
temporarily as fiscal of the same : In a letter which you wrote to me on

206 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

servis en ynterin la fiscalia della en carta que me escrivisteis en 20 de
Marzo de este ano decis que desde el principio de la Conquista de las
Yndias esta prohivida la esclavitud de los Yndios, y que haviendo enten-
dido que muchos estavan en ella, pedisteis en essa Audiencia se pusiesen
en livertad y se despacharon Provisiones y en su ejecucion se livertaron a
los Yndios chinos, chichimecos, Sinaloes, Los del nuevo Mexico y nuevo
Reyno de Leon y respecto de que en los districtos de las Audiencias de
Mexico y Guatemala ay muchos esclavos de esta calidad proponeis que
sera mui del servicio de Dios nuestro Senor que se haga lo mismo con
ellos inponiendo la pena que pareciere contra los que los bendieren y com-
praren Y haviendose Visto en el Consejo de las Yndias con lo que me
escrivio acerca de esso esta Audiencia en 7 de Abril de este ano, y lo que
sobre ello dijo y pidio el fiscal del, ha parecido daros gracias (como lo
hago) por lo que en esto haveis obrado que es mui con forme a vuestro
zelo, y atencion, y os encargo que por lo que os toca esteis siempre con
todo cuidado de que se observe en lo de adelante, pues estan Justo y con-
veniente dejar a los Yndios en livertad, como esta mandado por tan repe-
tidas cedulas, por el escrupulo que causa su esclavitud, y a las Audiencias
de Mexico y Guatemala, he mandado por despacho de la fecha de este
ejecuten lo mismo en sus distritos, de que me a parecido avissaros para
que lo tengais entendido. Madrid 13 de Diciembre 1672. Yo la Reyna.1*

A la Audiencia de Guadalajara dandolas Gracias por haver pnesto en
livertad a los Yndios del distrito de ella, como esta mandado por
diferentcs cedulas.0 [Madrid, 23 de Diciembre de 1672.']

La Reyna Governadora. Presidente y Oydores de la Real Audiencia
... en carta de 7 de Abril de este ano me dais cuenta de que con ocasion
de haver pedido el fiscal de ella se diese cumplimiento a las cedulas que
prohiven la esclavitud de los Yndios chinos y chichimecos del distrito de
essa audiencia, despachasteis provision al Governador de la Provincia de
la Nueva Vizcaya, y al Corregidor de Zacatecas para que pusiessen en
livertad, a los Yndios de las fronteras de la Nueva Vizcaya, Nuevo Reyno
de Leon, Nuevo Mexico, y Provincia de Sinaloa, y lo ejecutaron, de que
a resultado gran servicio a Dios nuestro Senor, y alivio, y conguelo de los
demas Yndios, y Juntamente disteis orden para que los poseedores Justi-
ficaren el titulo con que los tenian, y declarasteis que las mugeres y ninos
de 14 anos, aunque fuesen apresados en Guerra Justa fuesen libres Por
estar Resuelto asi por diferentes cedulas y en particular por las de los
anos 1553 y 1563 y que en el distrito de la Audiencia de Mexico ay gran
numero de chinos tenidos y rreputados por esclavos, y que sera muy con-

b F. R. B., Sevilla.
CA. G. I., 103-3-2.

Emancipation of Indians, 1672 207

March 20 of this year, you say that since the beginning of the conquest
of the Indies slavery of the Indians has been prohibited, and that having
learned that many of them are in slavery, you made a request in that
audiencia that they should be set at liberty. Orders were issued and in
obedience thereto the Chinos, Chichimecos, Sinaloas Indians, and those
of New Mexico and of Nuevo Reyno de Leon were set at liberty. As
there are still many slaves in the districts of the Audiencias of Mexico
and Guatemala, you suggest that it will be very pleasing to the service of
God our Lord to do the same with respect to them, and to impose suitable
punishment upon those who buy and sell them.

The matter having been considered in the Council of the Indies, to-
gether with what that audiencia wrote to me concerning this matter, on
April 7 of this year, and the opinion which the fiscal of the Council gave
and requested concerning it, it has seemed wise to thank you (as I do)
for what you have done, which is very much in conformity with your zeal
and attentiveness. And I command you that, as regards what relates to
you, you continue with all diligence as to the observance of the laws in
the future, for it is just and proper to leave the Indians in freedom, as is
commanded by oft-repeated cedulas, on account of the scruples of con-
science which their enslavement causes. I have ordered the Audiencias
of Mexico and Guatemala, in a despatch under even date herewith, to do
the same within their districts, of which action it has seemed wise to ad-
vise you for your information. Madrid, December 13, 1672. I the
Queen.

To the Audiencia of Guadalajara, thanking its members for having set at
liberty the Indians of its district, as is commanded in various cedulas.
[Madrid, December 23, 1672J]

The Queen Regent102 To the president and oidores of the royal audi-
encia . . . : In a letter of April 7 of this year you advise me that pur-
suant to a request by the fiscal of the audiencia for compliance with the
cedulas which prohibit the enslavement of the Chinos and Chichimecos
Indians of the district of that audiencia, you issued an order to the gov-
ernor of the province of Nueva Vizcaya, and to the corregidor of Zaca-
tecas, requesting them to set at liberty the Indians of the frontier of
Nueva Vizcaya, Nuevo Reyno de Leon, New Mexico, and the province
of Sinaloa. They complied, rendering a great service to God, our Lord,
and contributing relief and consolation to the other Indians. At the same
time you ordered that their owners should prove the titles whereby they
held slaves, and you declared that women and children of fourteen years,
even if taken in just war, should be free, since it has been so ordered by
various cedulas, particularly those of the years 1553 and 1563. [You also
report] that in the district of the Audiencia of Mexico there are large
numbers of Chinos held and reputed to be slaves, and that it would be
very proper for the same thing to be done there.

208 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

veniente se execute lo mismo. Y haviendose visto en el consejo de las
Yndias, con el testimonio de Autos que remitisteis, y lo que me escrivio
el Lizenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso Siendo fiscal de essa
Audiencia en 20 de Marzo de este afio con lo que acerca de ello dijo y
pidio el fiscal del consejo, Ha parecido daros gracias por lo que haveis
ejecutado en esta materia, y encargaros y mandaros, (como lo hago)
esteis siempre con todo cuidado de que se observe lo rresuelto por las
cedulas referidas que tratan de la libertad de los Yndios chichimecos, y
chinos, por ser tan justo y conveniente dejarlos en ella, como esta or-
denado pues con esto cessara el escrupulo que causa su esclavitud, y por
despachos de la fecha de este, he mandado a las Audiencias de Mexico y
Guatemala, pongan en livertad a los esclavos que huviere de esta calidad
en el distrito de ellas. Madrid 23 de Diziembre 1672. Yo la Reyna/

A la Audiencia de Guadalaxara, estranandole que no aya embiado al
Consejo los Autos de un Pleyto que siguio Don Fernando de Haro
sobre el servicio Personal de los Yndios de las Provincias de Sonora
y Sinaloa y mandando los rernite sin dilacion.6 [Madrid, 2 de Abril
de 1676.1

El Rey ... el Licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso,
oydor de essa Audiencia en carta de Junio primero de 1675, da quenta
entre otras cosas de que haviendo seguido pleyto en essa Audiencia Con
diferentes personas poderosas sobre el servicio personal de los Yndios
de las Provincias de Sonora y Sinaloa y sobre la division de tierras y
Aguas de dichas Provincias Obtubo Sentencia de Vista y Revista en
favor de los Yndios de que se despacho executoria y la execucion Se
Cometio a Don Joseph Garcia de Salzedo Governador de la Nueva Viz-
caya mandandole que cuando hiziese la Visita diese Orden para que se
cumpliese la executoria, y con ocasion de Una carta que escrivio a la
audiencia Provisteis Auto en que mandastes se suspendiese la execucion
hasta darme quenta de ello. Y haviendose Visto en mi Consejo de las
Yndias con lo que pidio mi fiscal he mandado se os advierta se a estra-
nado mucho la omision que haveis tenido en remitir este pleyto y poner
en execucion el auto que provisteis, y os ordeno y mando que sin dilacion
ninguna imbieis a mi Consejo de las Yndias los papeles autos y testimonios
que huviere sobre el punto que estuviere pendiente Sin dilacion alguna
para que se provea lo que f uere Justicia y del Recivo de este despacho y de
su execucion me dareis quenta en la primera ocasion . . . Madrid, 2 de
Abril 1676. Yo el Rey/

d F. R. B., Sevilla.
e A. G. I., 103-3-2.
' F. R. B, Sevilla.

Suit Concerning Indians, 1676 209

The matter having been considered by the Council of the Indies, to-
gether with the transcript of the autos which you sent, that which the
licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso, fiscal of that audiencia,
wrote to me on March 20 of the present year, and the opinion of the fiscal
of the Council, it has seemed wise to thank you for what you have done
in this matter, and to charge and command you (as I do) to be always
very careful that that which has been resolved by the cedulas mentioned,
which prescribe the liberty of the Chichimecos and Chinos Indians, is
observed, because it is so just and proper to leave them at liberty, as is
ordered, for thereby the scruples which their slavery causes will cease.
In despatches of even date I have commanded the Audiencias of Mexico
and Guatemala to set at liberty those who may be of the status of slaves
in their districts. Madrid, December 23, 1672. I the Queen.

To the Audiencia of Guadalajara, expressing surprise that it has not sent
to the Council the autos in a sirit which Don Fernando de Haro prose-
cuted concerning the personal service of the Indians of the provinces
of Sonora and Sinaloa, and commanding that it forward them at
once. [Madrid, April 2, i6j6.~\

The King. . . . The licenciado Don Fernando de Haro y Monterroso,
oidor of that audiencia, in a letter of June 1, 1675, reports, among other
things, that, having prosecuted a suit in that audiencia against various
powerful personages concerning the personal service of the Indians of
the provinces of Sonora and Sinaloa, and the division of land and water
in those provinces, he obtained a sentence for examination and review in
favor of the Indians, by virtue of which a writ of execution was ob-
tained, and its enforcement was entrusted to Don Joseph Garcia de
Salcedo,102 governor of Nueva Vizcaya. He was commanded that when
he performed the visitation he should give orders that the writ be com-
plied with, but, because of a letter which he wrote to the audiencia, you
issued an auto in which you ordered suspended the execution of the writ
until a report on it could be made to me.

The matter having been considered by my Council of the Indies, to-
gether with the request of my fiscal, I have commanded that you be ap-
prised that I am greatly astonished at your failure to report the suit and
put into execution the writ which you issued. And I order and command
you to send to my Council of the Indies without any delay the papers,
autos, and transcripts which may exist concerning the point now pending,
so that whatever may be just may be commanded. You will report re-
ceipt of this despatch and of its execution at your earliest opportunity.
Madrid, April 2, 1676. I the King.

210 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

El Lizenciado Don Lope de Sierra Ossorio Oidor de la Real Audiencia
de Mexico, Gobernador y Capitan General que fue del Reino de la
Nueva Vizcaia, in forma a Vuestra Magestad el estado de las cossas
de aquel Reino. q [Mexico, 26 de Septiembre de 1678. ~]

Sehor: Por muerte de Don Martin de Revollar Gobernador y Capitan
General del Reino y provincias de la Nueva Viscaia, fueron tantas las
muertes rovos y latrocinios, que onze naziones de Indios enemigos execu-
taron en los pobres miserables vezinos de aquel Reino que haviendole
dado las quexas, y noticia del riesgo en que estava de perderse en el todo,
a Vuestro Arzobispo de Mexico Virrey de la Nueva Espafia, resolvio im-
biarme a mi por Capitan General y Governador de aquel Reino y provin-
cias, persuadido a que em medio de mi ynutilidad, el zelo y veras con
que siempre he deseado emplearme en el servicio de Vuestra Magestad,
desempefiaria su election y aseguraria a Vuestra Magestad aquel Reino
cuia total ruina y despueble amenazava, la avilantez, con que los Yndios
enemigos andaban executando en todos sus poblaciones, muertes y rovos
no rreservando su barvara crueldad, mugeres nifios viejos, Religiossos y
sagerdotes.

Sali de esta ciudad de Mexico para el Real de san Joseph del Parral,
distante de ella como trescientas leguas, por ser la parte mas principal
de aquel Reino y que Vuestra Magestad tributa mas crecidos intereses y
estava mas a riesgo de perderse porque en todos sus contornos, andaban
los yndios enemigos, executando muertes y rovos, sin resistencia, y en
los primeros dias que llegue, dieron en una hazienda de labor y mataron
veinte yndios que estaban segando trigo, y Uevaron la cavallada, y mulada,
luego que tube esta noticia ymbie en su seguimiento algunos soldados,
yndios amigos, y fue nuestro Sefior servido de favorezerles con tan espe-
zial misericordia, que haviendoles alcanzado al segundo dia, al amanezer
el siguente, les dieron albazo los nuestros y siendo mui pocos en numero
mataron de los enemigos treinta y tres y en espacio de los primeros quatro
meses me favorecio Nuestro Sefior con otrros suzessos mui felizes en que
les matamos y quitamos, pasadas de trescientas a quatrozientas personas,
sin que en alguno nos hubiesen muerto a herido persona alguna de los
nuestros, y si yo hubiera tenido medios para hazerles la guerra, me podia
prometer concluirla y dejar en paz el Reino mejor que tiene Vuestra
Magestad en toda su corona, por que teniendo cassi quatrozientas leguas
en quadro y partiendo terminos por la parte del poniente con el Reino de
la Galizia y por la de medio dia con la California y por de norte con el
Nuevo Mexico, las tierras lianas de que se compone, son muy abundantes
para todos genero de siembras, y crianzas de ganados mayores y menores,
por ser muchos los rios, arroyos y ojos de agua que las riegan; Por el
medio de este Reino atraviessa la Sierra madre que tiene su principio
cerca de el puerto de Acapulco y se entra por el Nuevo Mexico sin que
se sepa su fin, son infinitas las sierras, y montanas en que se divide y todas
ellas estan llenas de ricos minerales de plata y oro, como se ha experimen-
tado en los Reales de minas que en ellas se empezaron a poblar, y han

• A. G. L, 66-6-2.

Lope de Sierra Osorio, i6j8 211

The licenciado Don Lope de Sierra Ossorio,104 oidor of the royal Audien-
cia of Mexico, former governor and captain-general of the kingdom
of Nneva Vizcaya, informs your Majesty of the state of affairs of
that kingdom. [Mexico, September 26, 16/8.]

Sir: On account of the death of Don Martin de Revollar,105 governor
and captain-general of the kingdom and provinces of Nueva Vizcaya,
there were so many murders, robberies, and outrages committed by eleven
nations of hostile Indians upon the poor miserable inhabitants of that
kingdom that, after complaints and information with reference to the
danger of the entire kingdom being lost had been filed with your Arch-
bishop of Mexico and viceroy of New Spain,106 he resolved to send me
as captain-general and governor of that kingdom and [its] provinces,
being convinced, notwithstanding my poor abilities, that the zeal and
fidelity with which I have always desired to employ myself in the service
of your Majesty would justify his choice and would secure to your
Majesty that kingdom, whose total ruin and depopulation were threatened
by the boldness with which the hostile Indians were committing murders
and robberies in all of the settlements, not sparing from their barbarous
cruelty the women, children, old men, religious, and priests.

I left this city of Mexico for the camp of San Joseph del Parral, which
is distant from Mexico City about three hundred leagues ; it is the princi-
pal place in that kingdom and the one that pays your Majesty the highest
tribute. The kingdom, moreover, was in danger of being lost, because
throughout its length and breadth hostile Indians were wandering about,
committing murders and robberies, without resistance. In the first days
after my arrival they fell upon a farm, killed twenty Indians who were
sowing wheat, and carried off the horses and mules. As soon as I re-
ceived this information I sent in pursuit of them some soldiers and
friendly Indians, and our Lord was pleased to favor them with such
especial kindness that our forces, having caught up with them on the
second day, made a surprise attack upon them at daybreak of the follow-
ing day, and, although but few in number, they killed thirty-three of the
hostiles.

In the period of the first four months our Lord favored me with other
very happy successes in that we killed and took from them more than
three or four hundred persons, while they did not kill or wound any one
of our force in any [of the engagements]. If I had had the means to
make war upon them I was in a position to promise to end the war and
have peace in the best kingdom that your Majesty has in his entire crown.
For it is almost four hundred leagues square and is bounded on the west
by the kingdom of [Nueva] Galicia, on its south [sic] by California, and
on the north by New Mexico. The level lands of which it is composed are
very productive for all kinds of crops and the raising of cattle and sheep,
for there are many rivers, arroyos, and springs which water them. The
Sierra Madre, which has its beginning near the port of Acapulco and
extends through New Mexico, without its end being known, traverses the
centre of this kingdom. The mountains and ranges into which it is divided
are infinite, and all are full of rich ores of silver and gold, as has been

15

212 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

destruido y aniquilado en el todo los yndios enemigos, sin que se les
pudiese hazer resistencia, y mientras no se les hiziere la guerra mui de
proposito, y se permitiere se hagan esclavos, siempre estara con conozido
riesgo de perderse aquel Reino y para que Vuestra Magestad reconozca
la justificazion con que uno y otro se podra hazer referire lo que tengo
visto y entendido en esta materia.

De la ciudad de Guadiana Caveza de la Viscaia hasta el Real de San
Joseph del Parral, habra de distancia cien leguas, y todas despobladas, al
lado derecho del camino Real estan las serranias y montafias a donde
asisten estas onze naciones de yndios enemigos, y por ser entre ellas la de
mas valor la de los Tovossos comunmente todas se llaman con este nom-
bre, si bien despues que yo llegue a aquel Reino todos los de esta nazion
se han reducido de paz, y los poble en San Francisco de Conchos, y ha
permitido Nuestro Sefior que estos se enemistasen de manera con las na-
ziones alzados que hoi son la principal defensa de la Vizcaia, y a quien
mas temen los yndios enemigos, en toda su tierra no hai rio, arroio o fu-
ente, que sea peregue,h ni ellos tienen poblaciones o siembras algunas,
y por lo que yo he visto en dos vezes que he pasado por parte de ella, ni
paxaros ni animales hai ; si los espanoles hubiesesses pretendido en algun
tiempo quitarles su tierra, o entrar en ella o hazerles guerra, no hubiera
razon alguna que les disculpara ni justificara el hazerles esclavos, pero
siendo los yndios enemigos, los que vienen a las tierras que estan poseiendo
los espanoles, y los Yndios cristianos, y que estan de paz y con barvara
crueldad les rovan sus haziendas, quitan la vida sin distincion de xesso,
sin que para su fin principal que es rovar, conduzga, en mi sentir con mas
justificazion se les puede hazer la guerra, y hazerles esclavos, que a los
Turcos, que siendo los enemigos declarados de toda la cristianidad dan
quartel a todos los que se rinden sin llegar a ensangrentarse en las vidas
de los que por su sexo, edad o profession estan indefensos y estas tierras
nunca fueron de la domination del emperador Montezuma o de otro
cazique de estos reinos ; y con estos indios se ha procurado en todos tiem-
pos por los medios de la suavidad y blandura, se combiertan a nuestro
Santa Fee o por lo menos, se esten en sus tierras, sin salir a hazer darlos
en las nuestras; y con la fingida paz que en diferentes ocasiones han dado,
han conseguido el reconocer todas las poblaciones y haziendas de los
espanoles y yndios amigos, que ya del todo tienen aniquiladas y despobla-
das, y con el pretexto de la paz, se baptizaron los mas, y hoi todos son
apostatas, y por las mas ynnumerables muertes que han hecho de espa-
noles y yndios amigos, no hai indio de arco y flecha, entre ellos, que no
merezca pena de muerte, porque ademas de ser sin caussa todas las que
exejutan, son con alenosia l por que jamas han salido a pelear a campana
rasa mientras no se les hisiere la guerra mui de proposito, y de veras, esta
a riesgo conozido de perderse todo el Reino de la Vizcaia el de el Nuevo
Mexico y la Galicia porque a sus espaldas tienen convecinas innumerables
naciones de otros indios a quien han solicitado traer en su ayuda, y si lo
que Dios no permita, lograsen el rovar los carros que pasan al Parral y

h Obviously a miscopy for " perenne ".
1 " Alevosia ".

Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1678 213

demonstrated in the mining camps which, in them, were beginning to be
settled, but which the hostile Indians have destroyed and entirely anni-
hilated without its being possible to offer any resistance to them until de-
termined war may be made upon them. Until it is permitted for them
to be enslaved, that kingdom will always remain in acknowledged danger
of being lost. In order that your Majesty may perceive the justification
with which the one and the other may be done, I shall relate what I have
seen and learned concerning this matter.

From the city of Guadiana, capital of [Nueva] Vizcaya, to the camp of
San Joseph del Parral, the distance must be one hundred leagues, all de-
populated. On the right side of the camino real are the ranges and moun-
tains where these eleven nations of hostile Indians live. Because the brav-
est among them are the Tobosos, all are commonly called by this name,
although after I arrived in that kingdom all those of this nation were
reduced to peace and I settled them at San Francisco de Conchos. Our
Lord has permitted that they should become such enemies to the rebel-
lious nations that to-day they are the principal defense of [Nueva] Viz-
caya, and are those whom the hostile Indians fear most.

In all their land there is no river, arroyo, or spring that is perennial ;
neither do they have towns nor do they plant crops, and, as far as I ob-
served on two occasions when I have passed through part of the region,
there are neither birds nor animals. If the Spaniards had attempted at
any time to take their land away from them or to enter there and make
war upon them, there would be no reason that would excuse or justify
making slaves of them, but since it is the hostile Indians who come to the
lands that are in possession of the Spaniards and Christian Indians who
are at peace, and rob them of their farms with barbarous cruelty, taking
their lives without distinction of sex, and without any halt to their princi-
pal purpose, which is to rob, there is more justification, in my opinion,
in making war upon them and making slaves of them than on the Turks,
for the latter, although they are the declared enemies of all Christendom,
give quarter to all those who surrender without reaching the point of im-
bruing themselves in the blood of those who by their sex, age, or profes-
sion are defenseless.

These lands were never under the dominion of the emperor Montezuma
or of any other cacique of these kingdoms. With these Indians attempts
have been made at all times by gentle and kind means to convert them
to our holy faith, or at least, to persuade them to remain in their country,
without coming out to do damage in ours; but, under a feigned peace
which on various occasions they have made, they have succeeded in secur-
ing a knowledge of all the towns and farms of the Spaniards and friendly
Indians, which they have now utterly annihilated and depopulated. Also,
under the pretext of peace, most of them were baptized, yet to-day they
are apostates. And on account of the innumerable murders of Spaniards
and friendly Indians which they have committed there is among them no
Indian with bow and arrow who does not merit pain of death, for, in
addition to the fact that all of the murders which they commit are without
motive, they are treacherous, since they have never gone out to fight in
the open. Unless very determined and real war is made upon them there

214 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Nuevo Mexico con ropa como en todos tiempos y en el poco que yo
governe la Vizcaia, lo han irrtentado, aunque no conseguido, estava a riesgo
de perderse toda la Nueva Espana, por que con el zeno J de la ropa, que
tanto apetesen por andar todos desnudos fueran innumerables las na-
ziones del norte que salieran a innundar estos Reinos y provincias ; y en
medio de no tener todo este Reino mas que trecientos vecinos se sacan de
el pasados de ciento y cinquenta mil marcos de plata, en cada un ano de
que percive k Vuestra Magestad de quintos y diezmos cerca de doscientos
mill pesos y solo en el Real del Parral, en ano y dos meses se ensaiaron,
ciento y veinte mill marcos, como constara del testimonio incluso.

Dentro de la jurisdision del Reino de la Nueva Viscaia, hai muchas
diversas naziones y algunas de ellas mui numerossas, y solo las de los
Tepeguanes, Taraumares y Conchos, en lo descubierto llegaran a trecien-
tos mill familias, y todo estos estan de paz, y algun numero aunque mui
corto estan ya baptizados, y redusidos a doctrina y aunque Vuestra
Magestad tiene en sus tierras algun numero de doctrineros para que los
conbiertan y doctrinen, es mui corto, respecto de la multitud de estas
naciones, y ocupar cada una ciento y cinquenta leguas de Cordillera, y pre-
guntados los yndios ultimos a donde han llegado los padres, si en lo de
adelante y a los lados hai mas indios, responden, que es innumerable la
multitud, hazia todas partes y solo en el rio del norte, que es la divission
del Nuevo Mexico y el reino de la Nueva Vizcaya son tantos las naciones
que hai, que toda la diligencia de los padres que hai por aquellos con-
tornos, no ha podido comprehender y saver sus nombres, todas estas
tierras, estan contiguas a las que Vuestra Magestad posee en este Reino
de la Nueva Viscaia, y por esta misma razon juzgo que es mui propio del
contrario ' zelo de Vuestra Magestad el proveherlas de los ministros
nezesarios para la combersion de sus avitadores, y siendo tanto lo que hai
en estas partes contiguo a lo que Vuestra Magestad posehe me persuado
que las gastos grandes que se han hecho en la Comberssion de las Yslas
marianas Xapon y Filipinas las ha ocasionado la falta de noticias y zelo
indiscreto de las personas que han informado a Vuestra Magestad y que
esta misma falta de noticias es la que tiene tan atrasado el servicio de Dios
Nuestro Senor y de Vuestra Magestad en estos reinos.

Todas las naziones que hai en el de la Nueva Viscaya y Nuevo Mexico
se podran reducir a nuestro Santa fee com maior facilidad que otras y a
mucha menos costa porque sobre ser las mas mansas y dosiles por especial
misericordia de Dios, en todas ellas no hai ydolatria alguna, ni sus avita-
dores dan adoracion a cossa viviente o no viviente de que podra Vuestra
Magestad inferir la facilidad con que se podran reducir a nuestra Santa
fee catholica, no haviendo ydolatrias que fue la maior dificultad y resis-
tencia que todos los santos apostoles y demas Predicadores del avangelio
encontraron en todas las partes del mundo, donde le predicaron.

Estando en el Real de San Joseph de Parral, tube noticia de la horden
que Vuestra Magestad dio para el quintal de azogue se vendiese de con-

I This is clearly a miscopy for " zelo ".

k Obviously a miscopy for " recive ".

1 This is probably a miscopy for " conocido ".

Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1678 215

is evident risk of losing the whole kingdom of [Nueva] Vizcaya, that of
New Mexico, and that of [Nueva] Galicia, for they [the hostile Indians]
have to their rear innumerable neighboring nations of other Indians whom
they have invited to come to their aid. Unless God refuses to permit it,
they will succeed in robbing the wagon trains that go regularly to Parral
and New Mexico 10T with clothing. In the short time that I governed
[Nueva] Vizcaya they attempted it, and, while they did not succeed, there
was danger of all New Spain being lost, for, because of their desire for
clothing, which they crave so much since they all go naked, there would
be innumerable nations from the north which would go out to inundate
these kingdoms and provinces.

Notwithstanding that this entire kingdom does not contain more than
three hundred citizens, there are drawn from it over 150,000 marks of
silver annually, from which your Majesty receives in fifths and tithes
nearly 200,000 pesos. At the Real del Parral alone there were extracted
in a year and two months 120,000 marks, as will appear from the certified
copy enclosed.

Within the jurisdiction of the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya there are
many distinct nations, some of which are very large. Those of the Tepe-
guanes, Taraumares, and Conchos alone, in what has been explored, will
total 300,000 families, all of whom are peaceful, and a certain number of
them, though very small, is already baptized and reduced to the faith.
Although your Majesty has in their country a certain number of instruc-
tors to convert and teach them, it is very small in comparison with the
multitude of these nations, each one occupying 150 leagues of mountain
range. When the Indians at the last point to which the padres have gone
are questioned as to whether there are more Indians further on and on
either side, they reply that the multitude is innumerable in every direction.
Solely on the Rio del Norte, which is the boundary between New Mexico
and the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, there are so many nations that with
all their efforts the padres who are in that vicinity have not been able to
understand and learn their names. All these lands are contiguous to those
which your Majesty possesses in this kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya, and for
this same reason I consider that it is very much in accord with the recog-
nized zeal of your Majesty to provide them with the necessary ministers
for the conversion of their inhabitants. Since there is so much in these
regions which is contiguous to that which your Majesty [already] pos-
sesses, I am convinced that the great expenses which have been incurred
in the conversion of the Marianas Islands,108 Japan, and the Philippines
have been occasioned by the lack of information and indiscreet zeal of the
persons who have advised your Majesty and that this same lack of infor-
mation is what is holding back the service of God our Lord and of your
Majesty in these kingdoms.

All the nations in the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya and in New Mexico
can be reduced to our holy faith in greater facility than others, and at
much less cost, for, besides being the most gentle and docile, by special
kindness of God, there is no idolatry among any of them, nor do the
inhabitants worship anything living or dead. From this — since they do
not practise idolatry, which constituted the greatest difficulty and ob-

216 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

tado a los mineros a ciento y veinte pesos y que precissamente bajaren
por ellos a la Vera Cruz y esta resolucion me persuado, la ha ocasionado
algun in forme que a Vuestra Magestad se hizo por alguna persona falta
de noticias, que quisso exponer este Reino, al rriesgo de perderse con esta
rresolucion; su conserbacion y poblacion depende de la mucha plata que
se saca de los Reales de minas que hai en el, y faltando estos se concluira
con todo, yo he estado en diferentes Reales de minas, y en las bocas de
ellas, hay montones de metales crezidisimos que se benefician por azogue
y por ser este ingrediente el mas costosso, no se puede costear su benefi-
cio; y si los azogues mandara Vuestra Magestad que se dieran a los
mineros por el costo y costas que tienen puestos en los Reales de minas,
se pudieran beneficiar todos los metales aunque fueran de mui cortas
leies, y importara a Vuestra Magestad el quinto y diezmo, que se sacara
de ellos, tres tanto mas que el precio de los azogues que se remiten a las
yndias, y por su mucha pobreza de los mineros y los excesivos costos de
los azogues y mas ingredientes, no pueden profundar las minas, porque
en los primeros treinta, o quarenta estados, no se hallan metales, que sean
de considerable lei, y los que no son de esta calidad se arrojan, y los
pobres miserables sin medios no puedan profundar las minas, que hasta
los cinquenta o setenta regularmente no se encuentra la riqueza, y todos
los mineros de esta Nueva Espana estan tan pobres, que aunque el azogue
se les diera de balde, no solo no pudieran personalmente bajar por el a la
Vera Cruz, pero no hallaran persona que les prestare para los fletes y
muchos de los Reales de minas, a trecientas, quatrocientas y quinientas
leguas de la Vera Cruz, y en atencion a esta imposibilidad, Vuestra Mages-
tad tiene prebenido y mandado que los azogues se pongan en las Caxas
Reales de donde se les reparta dando fianza de que dentro de quatro meses
pagaran el precio del azogue y la cantidad correspondiente de quintos de
cada quintal, y esto precissamente a de ser de la Plata que sacan con aquel-
los azogues, que se les reparten entonzes.

He juzgado mui propio de mi obligasion hallandome ministro de Vues-
tra Magestad y con la ocasion de haber pasado a governar el reino y pro-
vincias de la Nueva Viscaia, participarle estas noticias para descargo de
mi consiencia y para que con ellas mande Vuestra Magestad lo que fuere
servido y juzgare mas combeniente cuia Catholica y Real Persona guarde
Nuestro Senor, muchos anos, como la Christianidad ha menester, para
su maior exaltacion. Mexico y septiembre 26 de 1678 anos. Licenciado
Don Lope de Sierra de Ozorio. [Rubric a do.]

Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1678 217

stacle which all the holy apostles and other preachers of the gospel en-
countered in all parts of the world where they have preached it — your
Majesty will be able to infer with what facility they may be reduced to
our holy Catholic faith.

While I was at the camp of San Joseph de Parral, I received news of
the order which your Majesty gave that quicksilver should be sold to the
miners for cash at 125 pesos per quintal, and that it would be necessary
for them to go down for it to Vera Cruz. I am convinced that this deci-
sion has been occasioned by some report which was made to your Majesty
by some person, lacking in knowledge, who wished to expose this kingdom
to the risk of being ruined by this decision. Its preservation and settle-
ment depend upon the amount of silver that is taken from its mining
camps, and if these are gone all will be at an end. I have been at the
different mining camps, and at their entrances there are the most enor-
mous heaps of ore which are worked with quicksilver, and since this in-
gredient is the most expensive, it does not pay for the working. If your
Majesty would order that quicksilver should be given to the miners at
the cost as fixed in the mining camps, all the ores could be worked, even
though they should be of very low quality, and the fifth and tithe which
would be taken from them would amount to three times as much for your
Majesty as the price of the quicksilver sent to the Indies.

Because of the great poverty of the miners and the excessive cost of
the quicksilver and other ingredients, they are not able to deepen the
mines, because in the first thirty or forty estados 109 ores of appreciable
quality are not found. Those that are not of appreciable quality are
thrown out, and the poor unfortunates, being without means, cannot
deepen the mines, in which rich ore usually is not found until the fiftieth
or seventieth [estado is reached]. And moreover, all the miners of this
New Spain are so poor that even though the quicksilver should be given
to them free, not only would they not be able to go down for it in person
to Vera Cruz, but they will not find anyone to lend them the money for
the freight charges — many of the mining camps being three hundred,
four hundred, and five hundred leagues from Vera Cruz. In view of this
impossibility, your Majesty has provided and ordered that the quicksilver
shall be placed in the royal depositories, from which it is to be appor-
tioned to them, credit being given for the payment within four months
of the price of the quicksilver and the corresponding fifth of each quintal.
This necessarily must be in the silver taken out with that quicksilver
which at the time may be divided among them.

I have been very sensible of my obligation — being a minister of your
Majesty, and because of having gone to govern the kingdom and prov-
inces of Nueva Vizcaya — to inform you of these matters for the unbur-
dening of my conscience and in order that with this information your
Majesty may order that which may suit you and that which you judge
to be most desirable. May our Lord guard the Catholic and royal person
of your Majesty for many years, as Christianity, for its greater exalta-
tion, has need of. Mexico, September 26, 1678. Licenciado Don Lope
de Sierra de Ozorio. [Signed with a rubric.']

218 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Extracto de Papel que formo el Senor Don Lope de Sierra sobre las
cossas tocantes al Reyno de la Nueba Vizcaya.™ [Sin fecha. Subse-
cuente al ano de 1683.]

Por los Auttos Cartas y informes que ha leido se an Visto n en el Con-
sejo halla, que la Nueba Vizcaya que es Uno de los Reynos mas fertil y
abundante de todo genero de frutos y minerales de Plata y oro, que ay en
las Indias y si estubiera igualmente poblado que otros ; contribuyera a su
Magestad mas tesoros que el resto de ellos, se alia oy 6 perdido, en el todo
6 en el inmediato riesgo de perderse por haver sublevados 100 naciones
que contienen innumerable numero ° de Yndios muy belicosos y guerreros,
las doce de ellas que se comprehenden debajo del nombre Tobosos, son tan
desesperados y valientes que ni admiten [quartel p] ni le dan, y a los
Niiios y mugeres que cojen los hacen esclavos, las tierras donde estas na-
ciones avitan cojen desde la entrada de la Vizcaya y confines de la Galicia
siguiendo al Norte y camino de la Nueva Mexico 170 q leguas con poca
diferencia todos por los terminos de la Vizcaya donde an desppblado y
destruydo en el todo muchos pueblos haciendas Ranchos y Reales de
Minas con muerte de muchos Yndios Catholicos, y Espanoles pasando a
executar estas ostilidades hasta los Reales de Sombrerete y Zacatecas den-
tro del Reyno de la Nueba Galicia, y el ano de 83 estando Sentados de Paz
y Recividos algunos a doctrina que les administrava Un Religioso de la
Compania de Jesus Movidos del exemplo de lo que poco antes hicieron
las naciones de la Nueba Mexico, que por falta de defensa triumfaron de
sus avitadores o logradolos r a despoblar en el todo, o en la mayor parte
atropellando la obediencia, y abandonando la religion con lastimosa per-
turbacion de los ya reducidos, a costa de tanto trabajo Sudor y desbelo de
los Ministros Apostolicos se bolbieron a sublebar y hacer al Monte execu-
tando las hostilidades y atrozidades que se refieren en los autos que pasan
en el consejo cerrando totalmente la comunicacion de las provincias y
Reyno de la Nueva Espafia y Galicia con el de la Vizcaya los parajes prin-
cipals por donde salen ha hacer estos danos, y se rretiran con los robos
que logran en estas partes son los que llaman del Gallo y Quencame donde
es preciso se pongan dos presidios de 50 Soldados cada Uno con su capitan
6 cabo que los govierne para zerrarles estas puertas, y asegurar el comer-
cio y transito de aquellas provincias dandose la Mano estos dos Presidios
y el que ya ay que llaman del Cerro gordo en la lignia que forman
desde sombrerete 6 paraje del mal passo y Rio de Medina hasta el
Real de San Joseph del Parral donde residen los governadores que incluye
100 leguas mas 6 menos, y bienen a quedar en proporcionada distancia
para la comunicacion de Un Presidio a otro, y para correr y rejistrar sus

mA. G. I., 67-4-1 1.

n The University of Texas copy of this document, hereinafter referred to as Copy B,
reads : " que ha tenido y se an Visto."

0 Copy B has " multitud ".

p Words, phrases, or sentences omitted from the Bandelier copy of this expediente
have been added, in brackets, from the University of Texas copy of this document.

<i Copy B has " 120 Leguas ".

r Copy B has " obligandolos ".

Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 219

Extract of a paper which Don Lope de Sierra wrote in regard to matters
touching upon the kingdom of Nueva Vizcaya. [Undated; subse-
quent to the year 1683.]

By the autos, letters, and reports which he has read and which have
been examined in the Council, he [Don Lope de Sierra] finds that Nueva
Vizcaya, which is one of the most fertile kingdoms in the Indies, one most
abounding in all kinds of fruits and in silver and gold mines, and one
which, if it were populated proportionately with the others, would con-
tribute more treasure to his Majesty than all the others, is to-day either
entirely lost, or is in immediate danger of being lost, by reason of the
uprising of one hundred nations, which contain uncounted numbers of
very bellicose and warlike Indians. Twelve of these nations, comprised
under the name of Tobosos, are so desperate and valiant that they take or
give no quarter, and they make slaves of all the women and children
whom they capture.

The country which these nations occupy extends from the entrance into
Vizcaya and the confines of Galicia to the north, toward New Mexico,
for 170 leagues, more or less, all along the boundaries of Vizcaya, where
they have depopulated and completely destroyed many towns, haciendas,
ranches, and mining camps, and have killed many Catholic Indians and
Spaniards. They even proceeded to commit such hostilities as far as the
settlements of Sombrerete and Zacatecas, within the kingdom of Nueva
Galicia. In the year '83, although they were in a state of peace, and some
had accepted the instruction which a religious of the Company of Jesus
was offering to them, influenced by the example of what had been done
a little while before by the nations of New Mexico,110 who triumphed
over its inhabitants through their lack of defense, and succeeded in de-
populating it either entirely or in great part — trampling obedience under
foot and forsaking religion, to the grievous perturbation of those already
reduced at the cost of so much labor, sweat, and vigilance of the apos-
tolic ministers — these [Indians of Nueva Vizcaya] rose in rebellion, took
to the mountains where they committed the hostilities and atrocities which
are related in the autos that were sent to the Council, and totally shut off
communication between the provinces and kingdom of New Spain and
Galicia and that of Vizcaya.

The principal places from which they sally forth to do this damage,
and to which they retire with the spoils which they secure in these parts,
are those which they call El Gallo and Cuencame, where it is necessary
that there be established two presidios of fifty men each, with a captain
or corporal to command them, in order to close the doors to these Indians
and to make safe commerce and travel in those provinces — these two
presidios and the one that is already there, called Cerro Gordo, to join
hands in the line formed from Sombrerete, or Paraje del Mai Paso, and
Rio de Medina, to the Real de San Joseph del Parral, where the gover-
nors reside. This line measures one hundred leagues, more or less, divided
off in convenient distances to allow communication from one presidio to
another, and to reconnoitre and watch the intervening spaces. Another
place from which they sally forth to commit similar hostilities, following

220 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

intermedios, otro parage por donde salen a executar las mismas ostilidades
Siguiendo la propia lignia se llama San Francisco de conchos 22 leguas
a la parte del norte del Parral poco desbiado del camino de la Nueva
Mexico que es Raya de las referidas naciones, y la de conchos donde se ha
de poner Presidio como los antezedentes que servira de contener en re-
specto a Unas y otras naciones privarles de la comunicacion, y obrar la
execucion de las dafios y Robos que por aquella parte logran y se dan la
Mano este presidio con 30 soldados y Un cabo que llaman de campafia, y
tiene el Governador en aquellos contornos para acudir Con prontitud a
qualquiera imbassion que hagan, y se aseguraran las Poblaciones y Reales
de Minas de San Joseph del Parral san diego de Minas nuebas, san Fran-
cisco del oro santa Barvara y otros muchos desamparados pueblos inde-
fensos que indubitablemente Volberan a tener Veneficio hallandose por el
medio Referido Resguardados asi los mineros como las haciendas de
Minas, labor, estancias de Ganado y carboneras de sus contornos precisas
para su conservacion y beneficio de la mineria.

Con esta disposicion Se zierra el passo por toda la lignia Referida que
es la que corta lo poblado, y Reducido de la nueba Vizcaya; y lo divide
de la tierra de los Yndios barbaros, y alzados que con ser sumamente
aspera y cassi impenetreable a los espanoles por su maleza es no menos
seca sin que en todo lo en ella Reconocido se halla rrio, Arroyo, 6 fuente
sustentandose en ella sus Avitadores, mas como fieras que como Racionales
beviendo Aguas inmundas y corruptas de algunas pocas lagunas, y las
que de las lluvias se conserban por algun tiempo en los huecos de las
penas y a falta, con el humor de frutas silbestres Rayces y Cortegas de
plantas y Arboles Siendo al mismo passo que boraces quando Roban
algunos Ganados, 6 caballadas (que es a lo mas que anhela su codicia por
conseguir con este medio dos fines, el primero es el de su mantenimiento
pues Su mayor Regalo es este Genero de comida y el segundo por que
consiguiendo el dejar a pie los Avitados logran sin resistencia el apo-
derarse de la Provincia) Grandes sufridores de la ambre y sed, y mas
inclemencias del tiempos a que estan sujetos por su desabrigo en temple
muy frio no Usando demas Vestido del que les concedio la naturaleza
ni de poblado o congregacion cultura ni siembra de los Campos caussas
por que nunca se les ha podido hacer guerra ofensiva ni entrar a buscarles
en sus tierras sino sobre Avisso a muy poca distancia y esso pocas veces,
y con poco probecho con que la experiencia a mostrado que el mejor
medio y Unico para correjir y evitar sus ostilidades es de cortarles los
transitos de su tierra a la que esta reducida y poblada de Yndios y espa-
noles ques de la fertilidad y abundancia de todas las cossas dichas.

Las demas naciones nuebamente sublebadas y que oy tienen el reyno de
la nueba Vizcaya en el estado que se refiere segun las noticias que ha tenido
el consejo y constan de los autos y esclamaciones del Governador; con
diferentes nombres de chizos, Julimes, y otros que no puede retener la
memoria Se contienen en el Apellido de Conchos, que es el mas General
Confinan y parten terminos Con otras que llaman Cibolos, Apaches, y
todas las que se revelaron en la Nueba Mexico y abitan aquellos payses
con la misma Policia y moda de Vivir que queda dicho de los Tobosos,
pero la tierra de los conchos es liana fertil y Regada de muchos Rios y

Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 221

the same line, is called San Francisco de Conchos, a little to one side of
the New Mexico road and twenty-two leagues to the north of El Parral,
which is the limit of the above-mentioned nations and that of the Con-
chos. A presidio should be placed there, as well as at the first-named
places. It will serve to hold in check some nations, and to deprive others
of communication, and to prevent the outrages and robberies which are
common in that district. This presidio will also co-operate with thirty
soldiers and their leader, comprising a field company, which the governor
has in that vicinity in order to oppose promptly any invasion that they
might make. Furthermore safety will be assured to the settlements and
mining camps of San Joseph del Parral, the new mines of San Diego,
San Francisco del Oro, Santa Barbara, and many other deserted, de-
fenseless towns, which undoubtedly will be worked again, provided, in
the manner referred to, the miners as well as the mine buildings, and the
farms, cattle ranches, and charcoal pits in their vicinity necessary for
their conservation and the working of the mines are safeguarded.

By this arrangement their passage would be stopped all along the line
referred to, which divides the settled and reduced part of Nueva Vizcaya
from the country of the barbarous and rebellious Indians. The latter
region, while it is supremely rough and almost impenetrable to the Span-
iards by reason of its underbrush, is no less dry, and in the whole of it
there is not known to be a single river, creek, or spring, its inhabitants
sustaining themselves on it, more like wild beasts than as rational beings,
by drinking filthy and corrupt water from some few lagoons, and the
pools that the rain leaves for a while in the hollows of the rocks. When
these fail they sustain themselves with the juice of wild fruits, roots, and
the bark of plants and trees. At the same time they are voracious when
they steal some cattle or horses (which is what they most eagerly desire,
since they secure in this way two ends, first, their maintenance, for their
greatest treat is this kind of food, and second, as a result of the [Spanish]
inhabitants being forced to go on foot, they are able without resistance
to obtain possession of the province). And yet they are great endurers
of hunger and thirst, and other inclemencies of the weather to which they
are subject through their exposure to a very cold temperature, as they use
no other dress than that granted them by nature. They have no settlement,
nor community cultivation or planting of the land, for which reasons it
has never been possible to make offensive war upon them, nor to enter
in pursuit of them in their country except very cautiously for a short dis-
tance, and that only a few times, and with little advantage. Experience
has therefore shown that the best and only means to chastise and prevent
their hostilities is by cutting off the exits from their country to that which
is reduced and settled by Indians and Spaniards, and which is fertile and
abundant in all the things spoken of.

The other nations lately in rebellion, which have placed the kingdom
of Nueva Vizcaya to-day in the condition referred to, according to infor-
mation that the Council has had and which appears from the antos and
vehement petitions of the governor, have different names such as Chisos,
Julimes, and others which it is impossible to remember, included under
the appellation of Conchos, which is the more general name. They border

222 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Arroyos Siguiendo la lignea desde San Francisco de Conchos hasta el
rrio que llaman del Norte que es el que divide la Jurisdicion de la Nueba
Vizcaya de la de la Nueba Mexico, estos como se rrefiere en las noticias
que an benido al consejo tienen ocupado todo el camino que ba del Parral
a Sonora y Salinas de donde inescusablemente se probee toda aquella
Mineria de este ingrediente sin el qual no se beneficiara plata por Azogue
que es la que mas abunda y son los que asta aora por su mucho numero,
llebavan de travajo assi de dicha Mineria Como de las Haciendas de
Campo a que benian ellos Conbidados de sus propios yntereses, y con su
falta es yndubitable este parado Uno y otro, a esto, por esta razon por
ser a los espafioles penetrable su tierra, por rebelados y apostatas de Nues-
tra santa fee, se les ha de hacer la guerra de proposito Sin algar la Mano
de ella hasta Reducirlos, y sujetarlos, Mayormente, con lo que Ultima-
mente Consta por los Autos Referidos an executado con no esperado
atrevimiento pues parece que por fin de febrero del afio proximo passado
yendo una quadrilla de carros que constava de 18 cargados de farderia y
diferentes generos desde la Nueba Espaiia al Real de San Joseph del Par-
ral y conboyandolos ocho soldados y por su cabo el capitan Antonio
Rodriguez de cangas saliendo para su Resguardo del Paraje de quencame,
les salieron al encuentro gran numero de Yndios entre los parajes del
Gallo y Santo Domingo y acometiendolos con notable Arrojo y osadia
hiriendo al capitan y algunos de los soldados se llebaron mas de 300 Mulas
y desbalijaron ocho carros Retirando y llebandose la farderia de ellos y
tres Indios dos Muchachos y muerto Un Negro y el no haver conseguido
el Acabar con todos, fue, por haver Sobrevenido la noche, prorrumpiendo
al tiempo de Retirarse en Palabras de Ultraje contra dichos soldados y
demas gente amenagando bolverian la Manana Siguiente como lo hizieron,
Si bien no osaron el bolver acometer, por haverles llegado (ha diligencias
que se hizieron aquella noche) Socorro de Jente y Bagaje del Presidio de
Cerro gordo Concurriendo con esto, la hostilidad que por la parte del
Parral a dos leguas de el, hicieron a 24 de Marco del mismo afio Robando
mas de 250 bestias, con muerte de 4 personas y aunque para obiar seme-
jantes perjuicios, y enfrenar el orgullo de aquellos Barbaros se dispusso,
por el Governador de dicha Provincia, a costa de los vezinos y otros
efectos, que por principios de Agosto, de mismo ano, hiciesse entrada al
zentro de los Alzados Juan de Retana Con 100 Arcabuzeros y cantidad
de Yndios Amigos y Confederados de la nacion Taraumara al cavo de 5
semanas se bolvieron Sin haver podido hazer efecto de ningun probecho
continuando esta diligencia en otras ocasiones para evitar los Yntentos de
los yndios Tobosos que quisieron Matar a su Capitan, y al Religioso que
los administrava y lo hubieran conseguido, a no haverseles socorrido, y
aunque pelearon, Ubieron de escapar con mucho travajo los 60 Arcabu-
ceros que fueron al efecto referido por el crecido numero de los enemigos,
y por Ultimo haviendo hecho tercera Salida con 70 Arcabuzeros les obligo
a lo mismo con cuyo desconsuelo por la deshigualdad tan grande de f uer-
zas para poder hazer ni aun guerra defensiva se hallava resuelto el Gover-
nador a entrar personalmente por ultimo remedio y acuerdo de los Vezinos
Interesados del Parral fiando le siguirian los que se hallaren con mayores
obligaciones pero desconfiando en la persistencia y duracion deste Ultimo

Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 223

upon others called Cibolos, Apaches, and all those who rebelled in New
Mexico, and they inhabit those countries with the same government and
way of living as has already been said of the Tobosos. However, the
country of the Conchos is level, fertile, and watered by many rivers and
streams, following the line from San Francisco de Conchos as far as the
river called Del Norte, which is the one that divides the jurisdiction of
Nueva Vizcaya from that of New Mexico. These Indians, as is related
in the reports that have come to the Council, have occupied the entire
road extending from El Parral to Sonora and Salinas. From the latter
place all those mines must inevitably be provided with this ingredient
[salt], without which silver, which is the most abundant mineral, cannot
be extracted with mercury.

These were the Indians, who, up to this time, on account of their large
numbers, were accustomed to work in the mines as well as on the farms,
to which they came, impelled by their own interests. Lacking these inter-
ests it is inevitable, as a result, that both mining and farm work will be
halted.

For this reason, and since, as of rebels and apostates from our holy faith,
their country is open to the Spaniards, war must be made upon them reso-
lutely, without lifting hand from it until they are reduced and subjected,
especially because of what, from the above-mentioned autos, it appears
that they have recently done, with unexpected daring. For it seems that
in the latter part of February of last year, while a train of wagons,
loaded with eighteen consignments of baggage and different sorts of
goods, was en route from New Spain to the Real de San Joseph del Par-
ral, under convoy of eight soldiers, with their leader, Captain Antonio
Rodriguez de Cangas, who had gone out as an escort from Cuencame, a
large number of Indians issued forth to meet them between El Gallo and
Santo Domingo. The Indians attacked with remarkable ardor and bold-
ness, wounded the captain and some of the soldiers, carried off more than
300 mules, and plundered eight carts. After killing a negro they retired,
taking with them the goods and also three Indians and two boys. The
reason why they did not succeed in destroying the entire train was be-
cause darkness intervened. However, when they retired they broke out
in abusive words against the soldiers and the rest of the people, threaten-
ing to return the next morning. This they did, although they did not
venture to attack again, because of reinforcements of men and baggage
having arrived from the presidio of Cerro Gordo (through action that
was taken in the night).

Concurrent with this was the attack which they made on March 24 of
the same year in the vicinity of El Parral, about two leagues therefrom,
when they stole 250 animals and killed four persons. Despite the fact
that, with the object of preventing such outrages and bridling the arro-
gance of those barbarians, it was ordered by the governor of that province
that an expedition should be made in the beginning of August of the same
year to the centre of the [country of the] rebels, at the expense of the
citizens and of other funds, by Juan de Retana, with one hundred harque-
busiers and a number of friendly and allied Indians of the Taraumara
nation, they returned at the end of five weeks without having been able

224 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Recurso por la falta de Medios de socorro De bastimento y cavallada y su
conduccion respecto de que en dicha Jurisdicion del Parral y su Contorno
ay mas de 30 Labradores de Regadio no se havian sembrado quatro, por
la Retirada de las naciones pues con solo ella hacen la mayor Hos-
telidad por deshacer la Armonia de los sirvuientes y no haver con que
sustentarlos medio, a que principalmente atienden para conseguir por el
fin de la despoblagion, y para ocurrir a estos ynconbenientes se ordenara
al Virrey de la nueba espafia que en caso de no acudir personalmente A
causa de tanta Urjencia y en que tanto se aventura y interes al Servicio
de Su Magestad aplique toda su atencion, Celo, y Cuidado a esta expedi-
zion Asistiendo al Governador de la Vizcaya con el dinero y todos los
Medios, Gente, Armas, Cavallos, y peltrechos de que necessitare advir-
tiendole sea estranado y Reparado en la culpable omission Con que en
cossa de tanta importancia yttambanbista s del riesgo se a portado hasta
aora y en la desacordada Resolucion de la Junta que formo con vista de
los avissos y representaciones que le binieron de aquel. aflijido Reino no
deviendo ygnorar ni dudar que su primera obligacion hera y es la de man-
tener y conserbar aquellos dominios a su Magestad que los no a su cuy-
dado y Probidencia y la fee plantada en aquella gentilidad que a su bista
si no se perdio en el todo a lo menos descaecia y Vacilaba aun antes que
hacer Remisios de la Real Hazienda a estos Reynos Sin embargo las
necessidades de que tenian noticia pues deviera Considerar que perdida la
Vizcaya Cuyo riesgo le he Manifiesto por los avisos y Representaciones
Referidos [Aqui prosigue lo testado.']

Ademas de lo dicho se ha de prebenir Conforme a lo acordado para el
mejor Govierno de la milicia de aquel Reyno y para evitar fraudes que
Governadores menos celosos del Servicio de su Magestad pueden cometer
que la provision de los capitanes 6 cabos de los tres presidios que nueba-
mente se an de erijir sea perpetuamente del Cargo del Governador y
Capitan general y que la aya de hacer en soldado que hubiere servido con
reputacion y credito en qualquiera de los Presidios de aquel Reyno, 6 en
la que llaman Compania de campafia y no se le pueda remober ni quitar
si no es por promocion a otra cossa de mayor grado por caussa justa que
se le aya fulminado 6 por inavilidad, 6 Yneptitud, y que esto mismo se
obserbe por dicho Governador en los demas presidios que son de su
provission y con los soldados que llaman de campafia, y por el Vir-
rey en los de sinaloa, cerro gordo y san sevastian que son de la suya y
que los ponga siempre y desde aora a la horden de dicho Governador Como
lo esta mandado por cedula del Afio de 682 para que higualmente tenga el
superior govierno de todos y se pueda valer destas armas sin contradiccion
en las Urgencias que se le ofrecieren estando el Virrey a la mira del pro-
ceder de cada uno para castigar y correjir al que lo mereciere, y dicho
Virrey a de hacer las provissiones que le tocan en la forma Referida eli-
jiendo Un soldado de cada presidio precediendo el que el governador le
proponga quando Siempre se ofresca ocasion y no en otra forma, medio
que servira de estimulo y aliento para que sirban en aquella Melicia per-

8 Copy B has " y tarn anbista ". Both copyists apparently have miscopied what was
meant to be " y tambien a vista ".

Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 225

to accomplish anything of any consequence. They continued their efforts
on other occasions with the object of preventing the Tobosos Indians
from accomplishing their purposes, [as, for example,] when they tried
to kill their captain and the religious who ministered to them. This they
would have succeeded in doing if succor had not arrived, for, although
they fought, it was with great difficulty, on account of the great number
of enemies, that the sixty harquebusiers who went for the purpose stated
made their escape. Finally, when a third sally was made with seventy
harquebusiers, the Indians compelled them to do the same thing. Discour-
aged by so great an inequality of forces for making even defensive war,
the governor resolved to enter personally, as a last resort, and by agree-
ment of the interested citizens of El Parral, trusting that those who were
under the greatest obligations would follow him. However, he had no
confidence in the persistence and duration of this last recourse because
of the lack of provisions and horses and their conduction.

Despite the fact that in the said jurisdiction of El Parral and its
vicinity there are more than thirty irrigated farms, not even four have
been planted, as a result of the retirement of the [Indian] nations. Indeed,
in this way alone they commit the greatest hostility by destroying the har-
mony of the servants. As a result of the latter not having their means of
sustenance, which is their principal aim, the Indians thereby realize their
purpose of depopulation.

In order to remedy these difficulties let the viceroy of New Spain be
ordered, in case he cannot go in person to aid in a cause of such urgency,
in which so much is at stake, and which so greatly interests the service
of his Majesty, to apply his whole attention, zeal, and care to this expedi-
tion, assisting the governor of Vizcaya with money and all character of
supplies of soldiers, arms, horses, and provisions that he may need. Let
the viceroy be warned that he will be censured and held accountable for
the culpable neglect with which he has conducted himself up to now in a
matter of such importance, especially in view of the danger, and of the
discordant resolution of the junta which he held, in the face of the infor-
mation and representations that came to him from that afflicted kingdom.
He ought not to be ignorant of the fact or doubt that his first obligation
was, and is, to maintain and preserve those dominions for his Majesty,
who confided them to his care and management, as well as the faith
planted among those heathen, which, in his opinion, if it was not lost
entirely, at least languished and vacillated. Nevertheless before sending
assistance from the real hacienda to those kingdoms, notwithstanding
the needs of which they have had information, he should ascertain whether
Vizcaya is lost, which danger, from the reports and representations re-
ferred to, I have pointed out to him. [Here follows the testimony.']

Besides the aforesaid, measures must be taken, in accordance with
what was resolved for the better government of the militia of that king-
dom, in order to prevent frauds which governors less zealous in the ser-
vice of his Majesty may commit. Let the appointment of the captains or
chiefs of the three new presidios that are to be erected be perpetually
under the control of the governor and captain-general, and let him be
required to give it to a soldier who has served with good repute and

226 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

sonas de onrra y reputacion y los hijos de los vezinos acomodados de
aquel reyno y porque ya se a esperimentado la abilantes de los Yndios
enimigos, ha arrojarse a los mismos presidios y Matar los soldados Como
sucedio por el referido tiempo de la sublevacion, que considerable numero
de los Tovosos se arrojo al de Cerro gordo encerando en el a los soldados,
hiriendo a los mas, y dando la muerte a algunos y llebandose mas de
300 bestias, de su Cavalleria, sin que la inferior fuerza de los soldados,
pudiese resistir a la de los Yndios ; Y en otras ocasiones los de la nacion
concha y sus aliados en el paraje de Cassas grandes, y camino del Parral
a Sonora, Superaron, y pusieron en grave conrlicto escuadras de 60 y 70
Arcabuceros espafioles, que pudieron juntarse de aquellos contornos, y
haciendas, intentando resistir, mas que castigar la livertad con que los
enemigos, Robavan las cavalladas, Ganados y quanto havia ; de suerte que
ya en ninguna parte de aquel Reyno dejan de estar los espafioles en el
mayor estremo de la necessidad, Sino es que (lo qual Dios no permita)
este entregado todo al furor de aquellos barbaros, que se deve temer, mas
que esperar se aya mantenido la poca Resistencia que avia a sus Cruel-
dades.

Se mandara guarnecer a cada uno de los quatro, de quencame, Gallo,
Cerro Gordo, y. San Francisco de conchos de Veinte y Cinco Mosquetes
que esten de Prebencion para seme j ante Casso.

Respecto de que los Arcabuces que Usan aquellos soldados son cortos
y de poco alcanze y no de tanto efecto como haran las mosquetas, y que
ansimismo se socorra Cada afio Con dos quintales de Polbora a cada uno
de dichos quatro presidios.1

*F. R. B., Sevilla, Dec. 1, 1914.

Lope de Sierra Osorio, 1683 227

credit in any of the presidios of that kingdom, or in what is called the
field company, who shall not be allowed to be removed or taken away
unless it be for promotion to a better rank, or for a just cause that may
be brought against him, either for inability or inaptitude. Let this same
procedure be followed by the governor in the other presidios that are
under his control, and with the soldiers called field soldiers, and by the
viceroy in those of Sinaloa, Cerro Gordo, and San Sebastian, which are
under his control. Let him henceforth place them under the control of the
said governor, as is ordered by the cedula in the year of 1682, so that he
[the viceroy] may have in equal degree the superior government of all
and may be able to avail himself of these forces without opposition in
urgencies that may occur. Let the viceroy keep watch over the behavior
of each one, in order to castigate and correct any who may deserve it.
The viceroy must make the appointments that fall to him in the manner
stated, choosing a soldier from each presidio to outrank the one proposed
to him by the governor in case there should be occasion for it, and not in
any other way. This measure will act as a stimulus and an encourage-
ment to serve in that militia to persons of honor and reputation, and to
the sons of well-to-do citizens of that kingdom, for the boldness of the
Indian enemies in attacking the presidios themselves and killing the sol-
diers has now been experienced, as happened at the time of the said up-
rising when a considerable number of Tobosos attacked the presidio of
Cerro Gordo, and shut the soldiers up in it, wounded most of them, killed
some, and carried off more than three hundred animals from their drove,
the inferior force of the soldiers being unable to resist that of the Indians.

On other occasions those of the Concha nation and their allies, at Casas
Grandes, and on the road from El Parral to Sonora, overcame and
forced into a desperate struggle the squads of from sixty to seventy
Spanish harquebusiers who were able to assemble from the farms of that
vicinity, for the purpose of resisting, rather than punishing, the boldness
with which the enemies were stealing the horses, cattle, and whatever
there was. Hence there is now no part of the kingdom where the Span-
iards are not in extremity, unless it has happened (which may God for-
bid) that all has been delivered over to the fury of those barbarians, which
is to be feared, rather than any hope that they may have maintained the
little resistance that was being made to cruelties of the Indians.

Let orders be given for each of the four presidios, Cuencame, Gallo,
Cerro Gordo, and San Francisco de Conchos, to be furnished with twenty-
five muskets, so that they may serve to prevent such occurrences. In view
of the fact that the harquebuses used by those soldiers are short, and have
little range, and are not so effective as the muskets, let each of the four
presidios likewise be supplied every year with two quintals of powder.

16

228 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, Governador de la Nueba Vizcaya, A su
Magestad. Parral, 21 de Noviembre 1688. Recivida por mano de
Don Bernardino Pardinas su hermano en 16 de Agosto de i68p.u

Informa de estado de aquel Reyno, Nuebos descubrimientos de miner-
ales que en el hay, y del excito de la guerra, noticias de estrangeros por la
parte del Norte de dicho Reino, y providencia que ha dado a todo, de que
remite testimonio.

Senor: En quince meses que ha que aprehendi la possession de este
Govierno de la nueva Vizcaya me he enterado de lo mas notable de el para
dar a Vuestra Magestad quenta de que se compone, estado en que se halle
Y tiene al presente, que es un Reyno muy fertil pues en el se cojen todos
generos Semillas que hay en otra qualquiera parte de la America, Tiene
ganados mayores y menores los necessarios para mantenersse Es opulen-
tissimo de minerales de platta y oro por que no hay parte en todo el que
no manifieste betas que no se labran mas (prometiendo riquezas) porque
lo hevita el Riesgo de los enemigos que obstilizhan con Repitidas muertes
a los que deponen el temor por el ynteres ; Verificandosse el que Cessante
esta Caussa se multiplicaran los descubrimientos Y Tessoros, pues por
haverse Combertido a nuestra Santa fee Catolica los de la nacion Tara-
humara se han buscado en sus Tierras, Y despues que entre en este
govierno se descubrio en aquella partte Un mineral de los mas ricos que
se han experimentado en estas partes, Y que ba f ructificando mucha platta
aunque se halla en sus principios, Y estarse haciendo para el veneficio de
Sacarla Yngenios, assi por fuego como por Agogue, Y mediante la buena
correspondencia que he procurado se tenga con los naturales, se hallan
muy bien sin estrafiar el que pueblen en su provincia los Espafioles ; Cossa
que esta Nacion ha escussado (hasta el tiempo pressente) con Cuya oca-
sion en el Camino de Sonora se han descubierto otros minerales que se
van poblando que segun demuestran seran de mucha Utilidad al Real
haver de Vuestra Magestad y de grande alivio de sus Vassallos que havi-
tan essas regiones mediante la mineria Y Tessoros de la tierra que es el
unico fin conque se han poblando, Y porque Vuestra Magestad estara v
ynformado por mis antecessores de lo que consta este Reyno desde su
primer descubrimiento no lo expresso Remitiendome a sus ynformes.

Lo mas deste Reyno es despoblado de Espafioles por que como ha ssido
continua la guerra en el, no se atreben a poblar, muchas partes que hay
comodas para Poblaciones, por la poca seguridad que tienen por las
Ymbasiones de los enemigos, no obstante que en el tiempo que ha que me
hallo Con este cargo no he dejado las Armas de la mano haciendoles
guerra Cuya obstinacion ha sido y es, tanta que ni aun por el medio suabe
de la Paz los he podido Reducir, porque como es todo este Reyno Tierra
tan abierta y en muy larga distancia por qualquier parte entran ha ymba-
dir, Robar y matar caussando tanto Perjuicio que quando menos consi-
guen, se lleban las Cavalladas Y muladas que pastan los campos frus-
trando el Veneficio de Sacar platta (porque sin ellas no se puede hacer)

» A. G. I., 66-6-18.

v Obviously a miscopy for " estaba ".

Juan Isidro de Pardinas, 1688 229

Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas, governor of Nueva Vizcaya, to his Majesty.
Parral, November 21, 1688. Received by the hand of Don Bernar-
dino Pardinas, his brother, on August 16, i68p.

Report on the state of that kingdom, on new discoveries of minerals
in it, and on the outcome of the war ; information concerning foreigners
in the northern part of the said kingdom, and action which he has taken
with respect to everything, of which he sends a certified copy.

Sir: In the fifteen months that have passed since I took possession of
this government of Nueva Vizcaya I have informed myself of the most
important part of its affairs, in order to give account to your Majesty
of what it is composed, and the state in which it is [at present]. It is a
very fertile kingdom, for in it are grown all kinds of grain that are to be
found in any other part of America. It has the requisite cattle and sheep
for its support; it is extremely rich in gold and silver ores, for there is
no part in the whole of it that does not show veins. These are not worked
more (despite their promise of riches) because the danger from enemy
Indians, who carry on hostilities by continually murdering those who
postpone fear to interest, prevents it. It has been demonstrated that if this
interference ceases the discoveries and riches will be multiplied, for, as
a result of the Indians of the Tarahumara nation having been converted
to our holy Catholic faith, riches have been sought in their lands, and
after I entered upon this governorship there was discovered in that region
one of the richest mineral deposits that has been encountered in these
parts. It is producing a great deal of silver, although it is in its begin-
ning, and machines, both for fire and for quicksilver, are being utilized
in the work of extracting the ore.

As a result of the good relations that I have endeavored to keep with
the natives, they are pleased and are not alienated by the fact that the
Spaniards may settle in their provinces, a thing from which this nation
has been exempt (up to the present time). As a result other mineral
deposits have been discovered on the road to Sonora. At these, settle-
ments are being made, and, according to the showing that they are mak-
ing, they will be of great profit to the royal income of your Majesty, and
a great aid to your subjects who live in those regions, by virtue of the
minerals and treasures of the region, which is the only object for which
they have settled [there] . Since your Majesty was informed by my prede-
cessors of what this kingdom, since its first discovery, is composed of, I
do not relate it here but refer to their reports.

The greater part of this kingdom has no Spanish population, for, since
the war in it has been continuous, the Spaniards do not venture to settle
many parts that are very suitable for towns because of their lack of
security against attacks by the Indian enemies. Notwithstanding that
during the time that I have had this charge I have not been without arms
in my hands and have made constant war upon the Indian enemies, their
obstinacy has been and is so great that not even by the mild method of
peace have I been able to reduce them. For, since this entire kingdom is
such an open country, and the distance is very great across whatever sec-

230 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Y para que la guerra les contenga, he hecho por mi persona diversas en-
tradas a las propias Tierras de los enemigos Y con deseo de obligarles
con las Armas a apetecer la Paz, que solo he Consequido con la nacion
Pima que haviendo negado la devida Obediencia que tenian dada a Vues-
tra Magestad (aunque gentiles) despoblaron Sus Ymbaciones las me j ores
Minas que se labravan en la Provincia de Sonora a la qual provey con
gente espanola y Yndios Auxiliares en mucho numero por ser muy neces-
sarios y ynescussables, Y la nacion Revelada muy Numerosa y de mucho
Valor que se experimento con haver acometido en su aloxamiento al
Campo de los espanoles Y yndios Auxiliares Con animo de que Rompidos
los que se les oponian con mayor facilidad lo harian a toda la Provincia
que mediante el haver yo Reforgado al alcalde mayor de aquel partido
con Una Compania de gente espanola de Valor Y experiencia, Resistieron
La furia del enemigo Y Recobrada le apretaron haviendo havido de Una

Y otra parte muchos muertos obligando a los Reveldes ha apetecer la Paz
que se les concedio Y se han asentado en sus pueblos Y Rancherias pidi-
endo los mas ministros que los ynstruyan en la Santa ffe Catolica (cossa
que no se ha podido consequir en mas de quarenta anos. ) La Provincia
de Sonora tubo en esta ocasion el Riesgo que padecio en nuevo Mexico Y
huviera sido de las grandes perdidas que pudiera haver en estas partes,
pues fuera de perderse La christiandad de tantos naturales como tiene
Reducidos se destruyan minerales muy Ricos Y que Rinden muchos
haveres a Vuestra Magestad en Reales quintos ha sse obviado sin gasto
de Vuestra Real hacienda, porque pretendo escussarlo Y en la asistencia
que se me da para gastos de paz Y guerra proveeo de Yndios Auxiliares
sus pagos Y mantenimientos por ser muy necessarios para la guerra Y
de qualquiera manera es ynescusable mantenerla para ympedir las entra-
das que hacen los enemigos como duenos de las Campaiias, porque aunque
los soldados de los presidios aseguran el camino y entradas del Comercio,
son muchas las partes que son acometidas, Y por lo difuso de ellas no es
facil ni superable guarnecerlas todas, aunque fuera con muy copiossa
manera w de soldados, Y assi continuo traer gente de guerra en Campafia
con mucho numero de Espanoles Vezinos de estos partidos que me parece
medio mas eficaz para moderar este genero de gentes tan Yrreducibles ;
que aunque en mi tiempo en Varias ocasiones de Requentros a muerto
gran numero de ellos, no ceden de su obstinacion En medio de estar at-
tendiendo personalmente a lo Referido me ha sido necessario dar provi-
dencias a los puertos del Mar del Sur de este Reyno para la defensa de
las Ynbassiones que yntenta el Pirata en ellos, por haver Saqueado en el
Reyno de la Nueva Galicia Un Pueblo nombrado Acapaneta que confina
con poca Ynmediacion con este Reino.

Los Indios del Rio del Norte con quien tengo Confidencia me han dado
noticia como se ve en tierra por aquella parte de este Reino gentes Estran-
geras que pretenden Yntroducirse, con los naturales como consta del tes-
timonio ad junto, Y por ser materia que pide remedio con brevedad me ha
parecido precisso despachar como despacho LTna compania de nobenta
espanoles Arcabuceros con mucho numero de Yndios Auxiliares a Re-

w Obviously this is a miscopy for " numero ".

Juan Isidro de Pardinas, 1688 231

tion they enter in order to attack, rob, and kill, they do so much damage
that even when they accomplish least, the horse and mule herd that are
grazing in the fields are carried off, thereby preventing the working of
the silver mines (for without the horses and mules this work cannot be
done).

In order to stop them from making war I have personally made several
expeditions into the very country of the hostile Indians, for the purpose
of compelling them, by force, to crave peace. In this I have only been
successful with the Pima nation. These Indians have repudiated the due
obedience which they had given to your Majesty (although heathens) and
their invasions resulted in the depopulation of the best mines that were
being worked in the province of Sonora. [Accordingly] I sent to that
province a large number of Spaniards and Indian auxiliaries, for they
were necessary and indispensable, and the rebellious nation was very
numerous and brave. This [fact] was experienced when, in their quar-
ters, in the camp of the Spaniards and Indian auxiliaries, they began an
attack in the belief that when those who were opposed to them were routed
they could the more easily rout the whole province. But as a result of
my having reinforced the alcalde mayor of that district with a company
of Spanish soldiers of valor and experience, they resisted the fury of the
enemy; having recuperated, they harassed the enemy after many deaths
had occurred on both sides. This obliged the rebels to crave peace, which
was granted to them, and they have settled down in their towns and ran-
cherias and are asking for the largest number of ministers to instruct
them in the holy Catholic faith (a thing which it has not been possible
to accomplish in more than forty years).

On this occasion the province of Sonora faced the same peril that was
experienced in New Mexico,111 and the losses that might have occurred
in these parts would have been enormous, for, in addition to the loss of
the Christianity of so many natives who have been reduced, very rich
mineral deposits, which render great profits to your Majesty in royal
fifths,112 might have been destroyed. This has been obviated without
expense to your real hacienda because I try to prevent it. From the allow-
ance that is given me for expenses of peace and war I provide the Indian
auxiliaries with their pay and provisions, for they are very necessary for
the war, which it is absolutely indispensable to keep up in order to pre-
vent the expeditions which, as masters of the country, the hostile Indians
make. For, although the soldiers of the presidios guard the roads and
commercial expeditions, the districts that are attacked are many, and
the commercial expeditions are so diffuse that it is not easy or practicable
to guard them all, although it might be done with a very large number of
soldiers. Therefore I am continuing to lead a military force into the field
made up of a great many Spanish residents of these districts, which
seems to me the most efficacious means to subdue this kind of intractable
people.

Although during my incumbency, in various encounters, a great num-
ber of them have been killed, they refuse, through obstinacy, to submit.
In the midst of attending personally to what has been related, it has been
necessary for me to take action at the ports of this kingdom on the South

232 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

conocer este genero de gentes Estrangeras Y obviar al que hagan pie,
con orden que para que por el Rio del Norte aba jo se solicite Saver donde
estan alojados, Y siendo la Baya del Espiritu Sancto, porque este Rio
(hay noticias) entra en la Baya, Y por este Reyno se esguassa con mas
facilidad que por otras que no se puede hacer.

Esto es el estado en que he hallado este Reino el qual si gozara Paz
Rindiera a Vuestra Magestad muchos Thesoros Reduplicados que hasta
ahora ha fructificado y con deseo de lograr yo cossa tan del Real servicio
de Vuestra Magestad no omitto, ni, omittere diligencia alguna en pro-
curarlo conseguir Cumpliendo con mi obligacion guarde Dios La catho-
lica persona de Vuestra Magestad Como la Christiandad ha menester.
Parral Y Nobiembre 21 de 1688 afios. Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas
Villar de Francos [Rubricas] .

[Decreto del] Consexo [de Indias].

Consejo a 20 de Octubre de 1689. Al Senor Fiscal. [Rubrica.]

Respuesta del Fiscal. [Madrid, 25 de Enero de i6po.']
El fiscal ha visto esta carta y testimonio Inclusso; Y dice que se debe
aprobar a este Governador el celo Con que obra Y providencias que ha
dada para la Seguridad Y defensa de Aquel Reyno; ordenando le de
quentta con auttos de lo que hubiere resultado de la compania que embio
a reconozer los estrangeros que se han descubierto a los Indios de el Rio
del Norte mandandole que conforme lo que de dichas diligencias se ofre-
ciere digno de providencia Y de puntual reparo ; lo comunique Y participe
al Virrey para que aplique los medios mas eficaces Y promptos que fueren
necesarios ; Y que este governador por su parte Y en lo que le toque, las
solicite Y execute Y de todo de quenta Madrid Y enero 25 de 1690.
[Rubrica] Para todo el consejo [Rubrica~].

[Decreto del~\ Consejo [de Indias'].

Consejo a 31 de Henero de 1690. Como lo dice el Senor fiscal fecho.
[Rubric a.]

Juan Isidro de Pardinas, 1688 233

Sea with respect to the attacks which the pirate 11S contemplates on them,
for he has plundered a town, in the kingdom of Nueva Galicia, called
Acaponeta, which is almost on the borderline of this kingdom.

The Indians of the Rio del Norte, in whom I have confidence, have in-
formed me that some foreign people are in territory in that part of this
kingdom and are trying to thrust themselves upon the natives, as appears
from the enclosed certified copy. As it is a matter that calls for prompt
action, it has seemed to me to be necessary to despatch, as I am despatch-
ing, a company of ninety Spanish harquebusiers, with a large number of
Indian auxiliaries, to inquire into the character of these foreign people
and to prevent them from getting a foothold; also it has orders to en-
deavor to learn, in the lower Rio del Norte, where they are established
and whether it is on the bay of Espiritu Santo 114 because (there are
rumors that) this river empties into the bay, and because it can be forded
more easily through this kingdom than through others, where it cannot
be done.

This is the state in which I have found this kingdom, which, if it en-
joyed peace, would render to your Majesty much wealth — double what
it has produced up to now. And with the desire of accomplishing a thing
so greatly to the royal service of your Majesty, I do not omit, nor shall,
any effort in an endeavor to procure peace, thus complying with my duty.
May God keep the Catholic person of your Majesty, as Christianity needs.
Parral, November 21, 1688. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de
Francos. [Rubrics. ~\

[Decree of the'] Council [of the Indies].

The Council, October 20, 1680. To the senor fiscal. [Rubric]

Reply of the fiscal. [Madrid, January 25, 1690.]

The fiscal has examined this letter and the enclosed certified copy. He
says that the zeal with which this governor works and the measures he
has taken for the security and defense of that kingdom ought to be ap-
proved ; that he should be ordered to give an account, with autos, of what
may have resulted from the company that he sent to investigate the
foreigners who have revealed themselves to the Indians of the Rio del
Norte; that he should be commanded to adjust himself to whatever may
develop from the said efforts that is worthy of taking action and worthy
of prompt repair; that he communicate it and report it to the viceroy in
order that he may apply the most efficacious and prompt means that may
be necessary; and that this governor, on his part, shall search for and
put them into practice. Let him give account of everything. Madrid,
January 25, 1690. [Rubric] For all the Council. [Rubric]

[Decree of the] Council [of the Indies].

The Council, January 31, 1690. Done as the senor fiscal says. [Rubric]

234 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

Autos Fechos por el Sehor Gobernador y Capitan General de la Nueba
Vizcaya Don Juan Ysidro de Pardihas Villar de Francos sobre las
Noticias que Dieron los Yndios del Rio del Norte de que Subian por
el Naciones Extrangeras y Providencia que Dio sobre ello.x [j de
Noviembre de 1688 hast a 8 de Julio de 1692.']

(Vino con carta de Juan Ysidro de Pardifias de i° de Abril de 1693.)
El General Juan Fernandez de Retana Capitan del Presidio de San
Francisco de Conchos por su Magestad y Justicia Mayor de esta Juris-
diccion : Por cuanto a llegado a mi noticia se hallan en la mision de San
Pedro de Conchos dos religiosos que han bendido de la Junta del Rio del
Norte y asi mismo algunos yndios de dicho religioso y y que unos y otros
dan noticia de como los yndios correos que llegan a dicha junta de los rios
dizen haber visto nacion de gentes extrangeras para tomarles noticia com-
beniente al mayor serbicio de su Magestad y dar noticia al Senor Gover-
nador y Capitan General de este Reyno se exsaminen dichos religiosos
escribiendoles para ello se lleguen a este presidio u el que me aguarden
en dicha mision y digan lo que supieron [u]z han oido dezir a los naturales
de dicho Rio u a los sibolos en razon de dicha nacion estrangera y lo
demas que supieren y para que en todo tiempo conste lo firme en veinte
de Noviembre de mil seiscientos y ochenta y ocho anos con los testigos de
mi asistencia que lo fueron Martin de Zarate y el Sarjento Martin Aldai
y escribano de guerra Fernando de Hinojos. Juan de Retana. Martin
de Zarate. Martin de Aldai. Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos escrivano
de guerra.

En el presidio de San Francisco de Conchos en veinte y uno de Noviem-
bre de mill y seissientos y ochenta y ocho anos Yo el General Juan de

Retana Capitan de dicho Presidio habiendo
llegado a el este dia el Theniente don Nicolas
de la Junta de los Rios del Rio del Norte
con su gente que es de su cargo en con-
formidad del auto antescedente por mi pro-
veido hize comparecer a quien rescevi juramento que lo hizo por dios
nuestro senor y la serial de la cruz de dezir verdad de lo que supiere y le
fuere preguntando [que diga y declare, fuele preguntado] que diga si por
la parte del rio del norte a bisto algunas naziones estranjeras usi an a oido
dezir a los yndios sibolas u otras naziones de que ayan bisto dichas na-
ciones estranjeras quien estado b enterado por medio del interprete Mathais
del hierro dijo que lo que sabe es que quedan en dicho rio del norte unos

XA. G. I., 67-4-1 1.

yThe University of Texas transcript of this expediente, hereinafter referred to as
Copy E, reads " de dicho Rio". This is probably correct.

z The letter enclosed in brackets above is not in the original Bandelier transcript of
this expediente, but it appears in the University of Texas transcript of the same
expediente. Hereinafter letters, words, or phrases which appear in the latter and not
in the former transcript will be added, in brackets, without attention being directed to
their source.

a Copy B reads " a oido ".

b Copy B reads " quien estando ". This is probably correct.

Declaracion de Don Nico-
las Yndio.

Autos from Pardinas, 1 688-1 692

235

Autos drawn up by the senor governor and captain-general of Nueva
Vizcaya, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, concerning
the information which the Indians of the Rio del Norte gave, namely,
that foreign nations were ascending the river, and the measures
taken in regard to it. [November 3, 1688, to July 8, 1692.]

(It came with a letter from Juan Isidro de Pardinas of April 1, 1693.)
General Juan Fernandez de Retana, captain for his Majesty of the pre-
sidio of San Francisco de Conchos and chief justice of this jurisdiction,
says : Inasmuch as it has come to my knowledge that two religions are
in the mission of San Pedro de Conchos who have come from La Junta
del Rio del Norte, and also some Indians from the same river, and that
both the religious and the Indians report that the Indian runners who
come to the said La Junta de los Rios say that they have seen men of a
foreign nation ; in order to secure information useful for the greater ser-
vice of his Majesty, and in order to give notice to the senor governor and
captain-general of this kingdom, let the said religious be examined, and
let them be advised in writing that for this purpose they shall come to
this presidio, or that they shall await me at the said mission and relate
what they may know or what they have heard the natives of the said
river, or the Cibolos [Indians] say in regard to the said foreign nation,
and whatever else they may know.

In order to place it on record for all time, I signed this on November 20,
1688, with the witnesses assisting me, namely, Martin de Zarate, Martin
Aldai, and the secretary of war, Fernando de Hinojos. Juan de Retana.
Martin de Zarate. MartIn de Aldai. Before me, Fernando de
Hinojos, clerk of war.

In the presidio of San Francisco de Conchos, November 21, 1688, I,
General Juan de Retana, captain of the said presidio, in conformity with

the preceding auto which I drew up, caused
to appear before me Lieutenant Don Nico-
las, since he has this day arrived at this
pueblo from La Junta de los Rios, on the
Rio del Norte, with the people in his charge.
I administered to him the oath, which he made by God, our Lord, and
the sign of the cross, to tell the truth concerning what he might know
and what might be asked him. This let him state and declare.

He was asked to state whether he has seen in the vicinity of the Rio
del Norte any foreign people, or whether he has heard the Cibolos Indians
or other nations say whether they may have seen the said foreigners.
Having been instructed through the medium of the interpreter, Matias
del Hierro, he said that what he knows is that there are some friendly
Cibolos Indians on the said Rio del Norte; that they [the Indians at La
Junta de los Rios] trade and bargain with these couriers sent by Don
Nicolas, the Cibolo ; that he notifies them that he is coming with his people ;
that with them a Spaniard is coming who has been separated from the
others who, they say, are marching near the kingdom of the Texas In-

Declaration of Don Nico-
las, an Indian.

236 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

indios sibolos amigos que tratan y contratan con estos correos despachados
por don Nicolas el sibolo e que les da noticia de como biene saliendose con
su gente e que con ella viene un espanol que se desagrego de los demas que
dizen andan junto al Reyno de los tejas y que dicho espanol se hizo cortar
la melena a usansa de los yndios como el tambien el raj arse c y cortar la
barba que dize se juio porque lo querian matar y que asi mismo hay oydo
dezir a dichos yndios correos que traen cartas de los espafioles u estran-
geros que andan junto [s] a los texas para los padres de las misiones de
dicho Rio del Norte y que asi mismo les ha oido dezir en otras ocasiones
a dichos yndios sibolos y a su Capitan Don Nicolas que entran espafioles
si bien no lo saben destinguir en los texas y que rescatan cavallos por
hachas y que se buelben a yr y que no saben tengan hechas casas ni asis-
tencia fija cerca de dicho Reyno de los tejas y que esto es la verdad de lo
que sabe y a oido desir so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en que se
afirmo y ratifico y dijo ser de edad de cuarenta afios poco mas o menos
y para que conste lo firme con los testigos de mi asistencia que lo son el
Capitan Martin de Zarate y el Sargento Martin [de] Aldai presentes.
Juan de Retana. Martin Ortiz de Zarate. Martin de Aldai. Ante
mi Fernando de Ynojos escrivano de Govierno.d

En dicho presidio dicho dia yo dicho Capitan hize comparezer ante mi
a Don Juan de Salaises yndio que biene en la compania del Theniente Don

Nicolas [a quien Recivi juramento en forma
que lo hizo por Dios nuestro Senor y la
Serial de la cruz de decir verdad de lo supiere
y le f uere preguntado] . Fuele preguntado si
ha visto u ha oydo dezir de las naciones es-
tranjeras que andan por la parte del Rio del Norte dijo que lo que sabe
es que ha oido dezir a los yndios sibolos que bienen de la parte del oriente
a tratar y contratar con ellos como amigos que son que ha tiempo que
entran en el Reyno de los Tejas extrangeros a rescatar cavallos y otras
cosas con los naturales de la tierra y que les dan achas y ropa y que agora
nuebamente sabe han venido a la junta de los Rios unos yndios sibolos
despachados por su Capitan Don Nicolas avisando a la gente del Norte
como se biene saliendo con su gente y que con su nacion viene un espanol
que dize se huio de los demas que andan junto[s] a los tejas porque lo
quieran matar y que dijo a los yndios le cortasen e el cabello a su usanza
y lo ragaran f como lo hizieron como tambien la barba y que el arcabus
que traia se le hecho a perder y que dijo lo compondria y que esto es la
verdad de lo que sabe so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en lengua
castellana por ser ladino en que se afirmo y ratifico y dijo ser de edad de
treinta y seis .afios. [ Y para que conste lo firme con los testigos de mi

c Obviously this is a miscopy for " raparse ".

d Copy B reads " escrivano de Guerra ". This is probably correct, since elsewhere
in the Bandelier transcript the title of Fernando de Inojos appears as "escrivano de
guerra". See pp. 234, 238, 240, 242, 244.

e Copy B reads " le cortaran ".

f Obviously this is a miscopy for " raparse ".

Declarassion de Juan de
Salaises Yndio.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 237

dians ; that the said Spaniard caused his hair to be cut in the fashion of
the Indians and also cropped and cut off his beard ; and that the Spaniard
says that he fled because they wished to kill him.

He has also heard the said Indian couriers say that they are bringing
letters from the Spaniards, or foreigners, who are near the Texas Indians,
for the padres of the missions of the said Rio del Norte. Also he has
heard the Cibolos Indians and their captain Don Nicolas say on other
occasions that Spaniards — though they do not know how to differentiate
[between] them and other foreigners; — go among the Texas Indians and
trade axes for horses, that they go away again, and that they do not know
whether they have built houses or have any fixed residence near the said
kingdom of Texas Indians.

He said that under the burden of the oath which he has taken this is
the truth concerning what he knows and has heard stated. This statement
he affirmed and ratified. He said that he was forty years old, a little more
or less. And in order to place it on record I signed it, with the witnesses
assisting me, who were present, namely, Captain Martin de Zarate and
Sergeant Martin Aldai. Juan de Retana. Martin Ortiz de Zarate.
Martin de Aldai. Before me, Fernando de Hinojos, clerk of gov-
ernment.

At the said presidio, on the said day, I, the said captain, caused to ap-
pear before me Don Juan de Salaises, an Indian who comes in the

company of the lieutenant, Don Nicolas.
To him I administered the oath, in proper
form — which he made by God, our Lord,
and sign of the cross — to tell the truth of
what he might know and what might be
asked him. He was asked whether he has seen or heard [anything] con-
cerning the foreign people who are travelling in the neighborhood of the
Rio del Norte. He replied that what he knows is that he has heard the
Cibolos Indians, who come from the direction of the east to trade and
bargain with them as friends, as they are, say that some time ago strangers
entered the kingdom of the Texas Indians to trade for horses and other
things with the natives of the country, and that they gave the natives axes
and clothing. He has just lately learned that some Cibolos Indians have
come to La Junta de los Rios who were sent by their captain Don Nicolas,
to inform the people of the [Rio] del Norte that he is coming with his
people, and that with his nation a Spaniard is coming who says that he
fled from others, who are among the Texas Indians, because they wished
to kill him, that he told the Indians to cut off his hair in their fashion,
and crop it, as they did, and likewise his beard, and that the harquebus
which he was carrying had been damaged, but he said he would repair it.
He says that this is the truth concerning what he knows, under burden
of the oath which he has made. [He spoke] in the Castilian language,
because he understood it. He affirmed and ratified [his statement], and
said he was thirty-six years of age. And in order to place it on record
I signed it with the witnesses assisting me, who were present, namely,

[Declaration of Juan de
Salaises, an Indian.]

Declaracion de Salv[ador]
Yndio.

238 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

asistencia que lo son el Capitan Martin de Zarate y el sargento Martin de
Aldai presentes. Juan de Retana. Martin de Zarate. Martin de
Alday. Ante mi Fernando de Inojos escrivano de Guerra.]

En el presidio de San Francisco de Conchos dicho dia yo dicho Capitan
hize comparecer ante mi al yndio Salvador de los que bienen del Norte

con el Theniente Don Nicolas a quien rescivi
juramento en forma para que diga y declare
lo que save y ha oido dezir tocante a las na-
ciones extrangeras que dicen los sibolos han
visto dijo que lo que sabe es lo que es publico
a todos los yndios de la junta de los Rios de que dicen los sibolos que en
el reyno de los tejas entran espafioles u extrangeros a rescatar cavallos y
otras cosas y que en retorno les dan hachas y ropa y que agora acabaron
de llegar unos yndios sibolos a la junta de los Rios despachadas por Don
Nicolas los cuales dan noticia de un espafiol que biene con su nacion y que
dice haberse huido de los demas que andan junto a los tejas y que trae su
arcabus y que ajado a dar el vaso g a una nacion que no cor re con dichos
sibolos y que dicho arcabus se le maltrato y que se hizo cortar el cabello
y raj arse h a usanza de dichos yndios como tambien la barba y que esto
es lo que sabe so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en que se afirmo y
dijo ser de edad de veinte y ocho afios y para que conste lo firme con los
testigos de mi asistencia con que son [el capitan Martin de Zarate y el
Sargento Martin de Alday presentes. Juan de Retana, Martin Ortiz
de Zarate, Martin de Aldai. Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos escrivano
de Guerra].

En este presidio de San Francisco de Conchos a veinte y dos dias del
mes de Noviembre de mil y seiscientos y ochenta y ocho afios yo el General

Juan de Retana Capitan de dicho Presidio
hize comparezer ante mi a dos yndios del Rio
del Norte llamados Pedro y Alonso a quienes
les mande saliesen luego con recaudo y man-
sage de parte de el Senor Governador y Capi-
tan General de este Reyno y mia para los yndios de su nacion de la
junta de los Rios del Rio del Norte para que les digan como los padres
que se hallavan con ellos en sus misiones se buelben conmigo para que
les asistan en la ensefianza y doctrina en los Misterios de Nuestra Santa
Fee y que tengan todo consuelo y que asi mesmo les digan a todos los
Capitanes del Rio arriva como boy a hazer entrada por aquel lado para
castigar a los enemigos que les inquietan matan y rroban amparandolos
como vasallos del Rey Nuestro Senor que dichos Capitanes me salgan a
encontrar para que me den razon de lo que ubiere y asi mismo di orden
a dichos yndios para que de los sibolos que ubiere en dicha Junta de los
Rios salgan algunos a encontrar a su Capitan Don Nicolas y le digan de
mi parte que las cartas y el espafiol que traen dichos yndios llos traigan

s Copy B reads " y que ayudo a dar alvaso ", which obviously is correct.
h Obviously this is a miscopy for " raparse ".

Ymbianse dos Yndios a los
del Norte.

Declaration of the Indian
Salvador.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 1692 239

Captain Martin de Zarate and Sergeant Martin de Aldai. Juan de
Retana. Martin Ortiz de Zarate. Martin de Aldai. Before me,
Fernando de Hinojos, clerk of war.

At the presidio of San Francisco de los Conchos, on the said day, I,
the said captain, caused to appear before me the Indian Salvador, one of

those who come from the north with Lieu-
tenant Don Nicolas. To him I administered
the oath, in proper form, in order that he
might state and declare what he knows and
has heard concerning the said foreign na-
tions which the Cibolos say they have seen.

He said that what he knows is that it is well known to all the Indians
of La Junta de los Rios that the Cibolos say that in the kingdom of the
Texas Indians, Spaniards, or foreigners, come to trade for horses and
other things, and that in return they give them axes and clothing, and
that some Cibolos Indians had just arrived at La Junta de los Rios,
having been sent by Don Nicolas. These brought information of a Span-
iard who is coming with their nation who says that he had fled from the
others who are among the Texas ; he carries a harquebus, and aided them
in an attack on a nation that is not united with the said Cibolos. His
harquebus was broken, and he caused his hair to be cut and cropped in
the fashion of the said Indians, and likewise his beard.

He says that this is what he knows, under burden of the oath which he
has taken. He affirmed his statement and said that he was twenty-eight
years old. In order to place it on record I signed it with Captain Martin
de Zarate and Sergeant Martin de Aldai. Juan de Retana, Martin
Ortiz de Zarate, Martin de Aldai. Before me, Fernando de
Hinojos, clerk of war.

At this presidio of San Francisco de Conchos, on the twenty-second day
of the month of November, 1688, I, General Juan de Retana, captain of

the said presidio, caused to appear before me
two Indians from the Rio del Norte, named
Pedro and Alonso. And I ordered that these
should be sent immediately with a present
and a message, in behalf of the sefior gov-
ernor and captain-general of this kingdom and myself, to the Indians of
their nation at La Junta de los Rios on the Rio del Norte, to tell them
that the padres who were with them in their missions are returning with
me in order to assist them with instruction and discipline in the mysteries
of our holy faith, and that they may be entirely consoled. Likewise I
ordered them [Pedro and Alonso] to tell all the captains of the upper Rio
[del Norte] that I am going to make an expedition through that region
in order to chastise the enemies who are disturbing, killing, and robbing
them, and that I will protect them as vassals of the king, our lord, and
that the said captains are to come out and meet me in order to report to me
concerning what might be going on.

Two Indians are sent to
those of the North.

240 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

con todo cuydado y me bengan a rogar ' al Rio del Norte sin que pase la
palabra de mi entrada para la parte de los tejas y asi mismo para los chi-
chitames salineros ni tobosos que me dizen asisten por aquella deresera
para que en todo tiempo conste lo firme con los testigos de mi asistencia
que son [el Capitan Martin de Zarate y el sargento Martin de Aldai pre-
sentes. Juan de Retana, Martin Ortiz de Zarate, Martin de Aldai.
Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos escrivano de guerra.]

En este pueblo de San Pedro de Conchos en veinte y tres de Noviembre
de mil y seiscientos y ochenta y ocho anos yo el General Juan de Retana

Capitan del Presidio de San Francisco de

Declaration del Padre
Fray Agustin de Colina del
Horden de San Francisco.

Conchos en virtud del auto de veinte de el
corriente por mi proveido hize notorio al
Reverendo Padre Predicador y Presidente
Fray Augustin de Colina que lo es de las
misiones de la junta de los Rios del Rio del Norte para que su paternidad
fuere J y declare como lo hizo yn bervo sacerdotis puesta la mano en el
pecho de lo que sabe y ha oido dezir en orden a las naciones extrangeras
que dicen los naturales de aquellos paises han visto quien estando enterado
de todo dijo que lo que save y ha oido dezir es en la manera siguiente.
Que el ano pasado de ochenta y siete los yndios sibolos y jumanas le
pidieron a su paternidad carta para los espafioles que dezian dichos yndios
salian y entraban en los tejas y que a esto les dijo dicho Padre trujesen
ellos carta de dichos espafioles que entonces responderia a ella a lo cual
prometieron los yndios traer carta de los tales espafioles y que este ano
por el mes de septiembre vinieron cinco yndios sibolos a la junta de los
Rios y estuvieron con dicho Padre a quienes oyo dezir por medio de los
yndios de su mision qu sirbieron de interpretes (que un moro que de esta
manera lo apellidan) asiste con una nacion ynmediata a los tejas el cual
dicen trae su arcabus largo y bestido de hierro con su morrion y que ese
tal ayudo a la nacion con quien asistia a dar alvaso a la nacion Michi que
dijeron dichos yndios asolaron la mitad de ellos y que despues llegaron
diferentes yndios sibolos y que estos dijeron que entraban a tratar y con-
tratar en los tejas dandoles ropa por cavallos y frutos de la tierra y que
de noche yban a dormir al agua donte tenian casas de palo y que los tales
andan bestidos de hierro y que se les hundio una x:asa de palo y que les
desian a los naturales de aquella tierra como tambien a los sibolos jumanas
que los espafioles del parral no eran buenos y que ellos habian de entrar
con carros por toda esta tierra y que esto es lo que su paternidad sabe y
ha oido dezir so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en que se afirmo y
para que conste lo firme con los testigos de mi asistencia el Padre Presi-
dente Fray Gabriel de Burgos y Joseph Nabarro. Juan de Retana.
Fray Agustin de Colina. Fray Gabriel de Burgos. Joseph Nabarro.
Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos Escrivano de Guerra.

1 Copy B has " topar ", which obviously is correct,
i Copy B has "jure", which obviously is correct.

Declaration of Father
Fray Agustin de Colina, of
the Order of Saint Francis.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 241

Likewise I gave an order to the said Indians for some of the Cibolos
who may be at the said La Junta de los Rios to go and meet their captain,
Don Nicolas, and tell him in my behalf that the said Indians shall bring
with all care the letters and the Spaniard which they have with them, and
that they shall come to meet me at the Rio del Norte, without passing the
word of my coming through the district of the Texas Indians nor among
the Chichitames, Salineros, or Tobosos, who they tell me live along that
road.

In order to place it on record for all time, I signed it with the wit-
nesses assisting me, who were present, namely, Captain Martin de Zarate
and Sergeant Martin de Aldai. Juan de Retana. MartIn Ortiz de
Zarate. Martin de Aldai. Before me, Fernando de Hinojos, clerk
of war.

At this pueblo of San Pedro de Conchos, on November 23, 1688, I,
General Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio of San Francisco de Con-
chos, in virtue of the auto of the twentieth
of the current month promulgated by me,
made known this auto to the reverend father
preacher and president,115 Fray Agustin de
Colina, president of the missions of La Junta
de los Rios, on the Rio del Norte, in order that his paternity might swear
and declare — as he did in verbo sacerdotis,116 placing his hand on his
breast — concerning what he knows and has heard with regard to the
foreign people whom the natives of those countries say they have seen.
Having been instructed concerning everything, he said that what he
knows and has heard said is as follows : In the past year, 1687, the
Cibolos and Jumanos Indians asked his paternity for a letter to the Span-
iards who, the said Indians stated, were going and coming among the
Texas Indians. To this the said padre replied that they should bring a
letter from the said Spaniards and he would then answer it. The Indians
thereupon promised to bring a letter from these Spaniards, and this year,
in the month of September, five Cibolos Indians came to La Junta de los
Rios and visited the said padre, and he heard them say, by means of the
Indians of his mission who served as interpreters, that a Moor (for in
this manner they referred to him) is living with a nation adjacent to the
Texas Indians. They say this man carries his long harquebus and his
plate armor, with a helmet, and that he so aided the nation with whom
he is living in making an attack on the Michi nation, that they said that
the Indians with whom he lived destroyed half of the Michi Indians.

Afterwards other Cibolos Indians arrived who said that the strangers
went to trade and bargain with the Texas Indians, giving them clothing
for horses and fruits of the land, that at night they went to sleep on the
water where they had wooden houses, that they went about in plate armor,
that one of their wooden houses was sunk, that they told the natives of
that country, as well as the Cibolos and Jumanos, that the Spaniards of
El Parral were not good people, and that they themselves were going to
penetrate all of that country in wagons.

242 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

En el Pueblo de San Pedro de Conchos en veinte y tres de Noviembre
de mil seiscientos y ochenta y ocho anos yo el General Juan de Retana
Capitan del Presidio de San Francisco de

Declaracion de Joachin de
Ynojosa del Horden de San
Francisco.

Conchos e justicia mayor de esta jurisdic-
cion para efecto de aclarar y verificar las
diligencias que constan en estos autos por
ser tan del servicio de su Magestad pase a
recebir juramento al Padre Predicador Fray Joachin de Hinojosa Mision-
ero en la junta de los Rios del Rio del Norte en orden a lo que sabe y ha
oido dezir tocante a las naziones extrangeras que dicen haber visto los
naturales hacia el Reyno de los Tejas quien estando enterado juro yn
bervo sacerdotis puesta la mano en el pecho de dezir la verdad de lo que
supiere y hubiere oido en esta razon.

Fuele preguntado si ha visto su Paternidad algunos extrangeros por
aquel rumbo a lo cual dijo que lo que sabe es por noticios de los yndios
sibolos y jumanos que asisten hacia la parte de los tejas gente extrangera
y que tratan y contratan con los naturales de dicho Reyno de los tejas y
que de noche se buelven a sus casas de palo que tienen en el agua y que
asi mismo dijeron dichos yndios que dezian los extrangeros que los
espanoles no heran buena gente, que ellos si y que han de entrar al Parral
con carros y que andan bestidos de hierro y que asi mesmo les ha oido
dezir a dichos yndios que un moro asi les llaman se desagrego de los
demas y que este tal asiste con una nacion de yndios que asiste junto a
los tejas que trae su arcabus largo y bestido de hierro y con su ayuda
suelen dar algunos albasos los yndios que con el asisten y habiendole pre-
guntado a dicho Padre Predicador si les oyo a los sibolos que a que
generos se reducia el comercio que tienen los tejas con los extrangeros
dijo que lo que les oyo dezir fue que los yndios les davan cavallos frutos
de la tierra como tambien porsiones de tierra colorada y que en retorno
le[s] dan a los yndios hachas ropa y otras cosas y que esto es la verdad
de lo que sabe y ha oido dezir so cargo del juramento que fecho tiene en
que se afirmo conmigo y los testigos de mi asistencia [que lo son el Rever-
endo Padre Predicador y presidente fray Gabriel de Burgos y Joseph
Nabarro presentes. Juan de Retana, fray Gabriel de Burgos, Joachin
de Ynojosa, Joseph Nabarro. Ante mi Fernando de Ynojos escri-
vano de guerra.]

En el Presidio de san f rancisco de Conchos en veinte y cinco de nobiem-
bre de mill y seiscientos y ochenta y ocho anos Yo el General Juan de

Retana Capitan de dicho presidio por su
Magestad Abiendo bisto estos autos y Como
de ellos consta el que los estranjeros en-
tran a tratar y Contratar Con los naturales
de los Yndios l que Caen del norte a ori-
ente que se Componen de muchas y distintas naciones Como son la

k A copy of this document was omitted entirely from the Bandelier transcript of this
cxpediente. As herewith printed, the copy of this document is that in the University
of Texas transcript of the same expediente.

1 Evidently a miscopy for " las yndias ".

Auto Remitiendo estos al
senor governador.k

Autos front Pardinas, 1688-1692 243

This is what his paternity knows and has heard said, under burden of
the oath which he took. He affirmed his statement. In order to place it
on record I signed it, with the witnesses assisting me, namely, the father
president, Fray Gabriel de Burgos, and Joseph Navarro. Juan de
Retana. Fray Agust! n de Colina. Fray Gabriel de Burgos. Joseph
Navarro. Before me, Fernando de Hinojos, clerk of war.

At the pueblo of San Pedro de Conchos, on November 23, 1688, I,
General Juan de Retana, captain of the presidio of San Francisco de Con-
chos, and chief justice of this jurisdiction,

Declaration of Joachim de
Hinojosa, of the Order of
Saint Francis.

for the purpose of clarifying and verifying
the measures that appear in these antos,
since it is so greatly to the service of his
Majesty, proceeded to administer the oath
to the father preacher, Fray Joachim de Hinojosa, missionary at La Junta
de los Rios, on the Rio del Norte, in respect to what he knows and has
heard concerning the foreign people whom the natives say they have seen
in the direction of the kingdom of the Texas [Indians]. Having been
instructed, he swore in verbo sacerdotis, with his hand placed on his breast,
to tell the truth concerning what he might know and had heard relative
to this matter.

His paternity was asked whether he had seen any foreigners in that
direction. To this he replied that what he knows from reports brought
by the Cibolos and Jumanos Indians is that strange people are living in the
direction of the Texas Indians; that they trade and bargain with the
natives of the said kingdom of Texas ; that at night they return to their
wooden houses which they have on the water; that the Indians also said
that the strangers said that the Spaniards were not good people, but they
themselves were, and that they were going to enter El Parral in wagons ;
and that they go about in plate armor. Also he has heard the said Indians
say that a Moor, for they designated him thus, withdrew from the others,
and that this man is living with a nation of Indians that resides near the
Texas Indians, and that he carries his long harquebus and plate armor,
and that with his assistance the Indians with whom he is living are in the
habit of making attacks.

When the question was asked the said father preacher if he had heard
the Cibolos say in what goods was the trade which the Texas Indians car-
ried on with the strangers, he said that what he heard them say was that
the Indians give them horses and fruits of the land, and also some portions
of red earth, and that in return they give the Indians axes, clothing, and
other things.

He says that this is the truth as to what he knows and has heard said,
under the burden of the oath that he has made. He affirmed and ratified
his statement, which he signed with the witnesses assisting me, who were
present, namely, the reverend father preacher and president, Fray Gabriel
de Burgos, and Joseph Nabarro. Juan de Retana. Fray Gabriel de
Burgos. Joachim de Hinojosa. Joseph de Nabarro. Before me,
Fernando de Hinojos, clerk of war.
17

Carta de Fray Agustin de
Coliria.

244 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

nasion Sibola y los tejas naciones todas muy domesticas y afectas a nues-
tra debocion y teniendo presente yo dicho Capitan Como leal Vasallo de
Su Magestad el cuidado que puede dar el que dichas naciones estranjera
acarreen a su debocion a los naturales Como Jente docil Como el que pue-
den penetrar tierra adentro y que de ello puede resultar en grabe per-
juicio de su Magestad y todo este Reyno hise Remission de estos Autos
originales al Sefior Governador Y Capitan General deste Reyno el Sefior
Don Juan.Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de francos Cavallero de orden de
Santiago para que su ssenoria Como tan seloso del servicio de Su Mages-
tad ordene lo que mas combenga al Real Servicio y que el presente escri-
vano de guerra Saque testimonio d estos autos para que queden en mi
poder y para que conste lo firmo con los testigos de mi asistence que lo
son el Capitan Martin de Zarate y el sargento Martin de Aldai presentes.
Juan de Retana, Martin Ortiz de Zarate, Martin de Aldai, ante
mi Fernando de Ynojos esscrivano de guerra.

Muy Sehor mio: la de Vuestra Senoria de trece del corriente recivi en
esta Mision de San Pedro de Conchos despues de haber ydo al presidio

de San Francisco en persona a dar relacion
al General Juan Fernandez de Retana de las
razones y motibos de los superiores para
salir de aquella tierra donde asistimos un
ano y siete meses donde siempre vivimos con
el consuelo de la obediencia porque en semaj antes parages fuera herror
grave correr largo tiempo sin que se afiadiera a tan santo Exersicio el
esmalte de la obediencia que en la religion es lo seguro Y pues el Rever-
endo Padre Custodio esta en ese Real por escusado tengo el esperar mi
resolucion pues la dara mi prelado atendiendo siempre al mejor serbicio
de las dos Magestades que yo hasta ahora no he salido de este parage
para el paso por habermelo asi representado de parte suya el General
Retana a quien pase luego a besar la mano por responder a su carta boca
a boca no representando desconsuelo de nuestra parte porque no cabe
quando han precedido ynformes que [se] han hecho a los superiores
serio m conpasion y lastimar n aquellos pobres naturelas que yban tomando
amor a la ensenanza y aunque para el logro de la doctrina ay muchos in-
conbenienetes que embarazan a su efecto y no esta el quitarlos de nuestra
mano pues en retiradas tierras y desamparadas de todo fabor no se puede
apretar con ello por habernos hallado sin justicia que lo haga y alii Sefior
aunque los naturales son los de mas dosil natural rodean la tierra muchas
naciones enemigas y mas facilmente se unen unos con otros que con sus
ministros que esta ya experimentado en otra ocasion que estubieron alii
dos religiosos de la Santa Custodia los cuales salieron maltratados a buen
librar perdiendose los ornamentos sagrados los cuales ° no obstante ha
instado la Santa Custodia en poner Ministros todo a fin de aprovechar
en el servicio de Dios y util de la Monarquia y hoy se halla el prelado

m Copy B has " sino " ; apparently this is correct.

n This might be a miscopy for abbreviations for the two words " lastima para ".

0 Copy B reads " los ornamentos sagrados ; lo cual ", etc.

Auto transmitting these
documents to the sefior
governor.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 169 2 245

At the presidio of San Francisco de Conchos on November 25, 1688,
I, General Juan de Retana, captain of the said presidio, for his Majesty,

in view of these autos, and, since from them
it appears that foreigners are entering to
trade and bargain with the natives of the
Indies, extending from the north to the east,
and comprising many different nations, such
as the Cibolo nation, and the Texas nations, all of whom are very domes-
tic and receptive to our attentions, and because I, the said captain, as a
loyal vassal of his Majesty, am as solicitous as possible concerning the
fact that the said foreigners may win the affection of the natives, since
they are a people as docile as they are, and because the foreigners are
able to penetrate inland, from which serious damage might follow to
his Majesty and to this entire kingdom, I remitted these original autos
to the sefior governor and captain-general of this kingdom, Sefior Don
Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, knight of the Order of San-
tiago, in order that his lordship, as one so zealous for the service of his
Majesty, may decree whatever may be suitable for the royal service.

Let the present clerk of war make a certified copy of these autos in
order that they may remain in my possession. In order to place it on
record I signed it with the witnesses assisting me who were present,
namely, Captain Martin de Zarate and Sergeant Martin de Aldai. Juan
de Retana. Martin Ortiz de Zarate. Before me, Fernando de
Hinojos, clerk of war.

My Dear Sir: I received your lordship's letter of the thirteenth of the
current month at this mission of San Pedro de Conchos, after having

gone to the presidio of San Francisco in
person to give account to General Juan Fer-
nandez de Retana concerning the reasons and
motives of the superiors for leaving that
country, where we were for a year and seven
months, and where we always lived with the consolation that comes from
obedience, for it would be a grievous error to spend a long time in such
places unless there were added to such holy exercise the satisfaction of
obedience which is the certain thing in religion. Since the reverend father
custodio 11T is at that camp on leave, I must await the resolution concern-
ing myself, for my prelate, always attentive to the service of the two
Majesties, will give it. I have not yet left this place for El Paso on ac-
count of General Retana, on his part, having thus represented it to me.
I went immediately to kiss his hand and to respond to his letter by word
of mouth.

I do not express discouragement on our part, because it is not proper,
when reports, which have been made to the superiors, devoid of com-
passion and pity for those poor natives who were acquiring a love for
the instruction, have already gone on ahead. And although for success
in the teaching of the doctrine there are many obstacles which hinder its
realization, it is not taking them off our hands, for, in distant lands, and

Letter of Fray Agustin de
Colina.

246 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

como obligado a sacarnos por cuanto la nacion suma esta alborotada y no
era facil el ampararnos de otra manera ultra de que aun suponiendo que
no hubiera alsamiento la salida a[l] trabajo de las haziendas tan sin el
concierto que quiere el Rey Nuestro Senor para la conserbacion de los
pobres yndios por quedarse por aca fuera los mas sin saber el Ministro
como reducirlos a la doctrina nasido solo de los tenientes y Governadores
naturales que solo tiran a sacar el numero de gente necesaria y otrofs]
se queda[n] mucho tiempo solo por cobrar el precio de su trabajo en hor-
den a lo cual tengo escrito a Vuestra Excelencia p una carta que entregara
Don Nicolas teniente pidiendo con todo rendimiento a Vuestra Excelen-
cia q les haga pagar porque nuestra injusticia no los escandalize que es
muy ymportante el que nosotros seamos los que debemos para hazerlos
a ellos cuales sean conviene y en fin hay Senor mucho que remediar y no
con los yndios todo lo cual omito por ahora que es cansar a Vuestra Ex-
celencia r solo lo apunto porque conozca Vuestra Excelencia s algo de los
motivos que puede tener mi superior y para que se conozca que sin reme-
diar estas cosas se hace insuperable el Ministerio por cual poniendome en
medio pasando hasta la interpretativa voluntad del superior (que no debia
si yo fuera el Religioso que debo) dixe al dicho General l que lo que es
para la Jornada fuera con muchisimo gusto y esto no teniendo conoci-
miento de contraria voluntud en mi prelada que debo suponer y supongo
leal vasallo de Su Magestad que Dios guarde a cuyo fin tiramos todos y
yo promptisimo espero muchas ordenes de Vuestra Excelencia u y aguardo
en esta mision de San Pedro de Conchos el mandato del Reverendo Padre
Custodio que con el ire con notable consuelo pues afianza solo en la obe-
dencia el logro de mi perfeccion v cuando veo que como es ninguna mi
observancia eso solo saneara en los riesgos de mi conciencia y aunque
[es] grande el merito de la administracion prepondera el de sacrificar
la propia voluntad y alvedrio e yo juzgo mi superior hara con mucho
gusto todo lo que fuere combeniente en orden al mejor logro de la en-
trada que espera por la cual no paso adelante en mi viaje que con deseo
en todo a asertar ni puedo negarme al mandato de Vuestra Sefioria menos
de todo resolverme; pido a Nuestro Senor lo dispongo como mas com-
benga y me guarde a Vuestra Excelencia w los anos que deseo San Pedro
de Conchos y Noviembre diez y ocho de mil seiscientos y ochenta y ocho.
Besa la Mano de Vuestra Excelencia su humilde capellan y serbidor.
Fray Agustin de Colina Senor Governador Capitan General don Juan
y Pedro x de Pardinas Villar de Francos mi duefio.

p Copy B has " sefioria ", which probably is correct.

< Ibid.

'Ibid.

8 Ibid.

1 Copy B reads " dixo el dicho General ".

u Copy B has " sefioria ".

v Copy B has '! profesion ", which probably is correct.

w Copy B has " sefioria ".

x Copy B has " ysidro " ; this is correct.

Autos from Pardirias, 1688- 1692 247

forsaken of all favor, it is not possible to be more rigorous concerning it
on account of having found ourselves without justice, as I find myself.
There, Sir, although the natives are of the most docile disposition, many
enemy nations surround the country and more readily they unite with one
another than with their ministers, as has already been experienced on
another occasion when two religious of the holy custodia 118 were there.
These, being maltreated, left, and fortunately escaped, but lost the sacred
ornaments.

Notwithstanding this, the holy custodia has insisted on sending minis-
ters there, all for the purpose of promoting the service of God and the
benefit of the monarchy. But in this instance the prelate finds himself
obliged to withdraw us, for the reason that the Suma 119 nation is in a
tumult, and it was not easy to protect us otherwise. Besides this, even
supposing that there were no uprising, the departure of the poor Indians
to work on the haciendas, under conditions not such as our lord, the king,
wishes for their conservation, [is bad] on account of the most of them
remaining outside without the minister knowing how to induce them to
accept Christian teaching. [This state of affairs] only originates with
the native lieutenants and governors, whose sole aim is to draw out the
required number of people. Others remain a long time merely to collect
the price of their labor, in regard to which I have written a letter to your
lordship which the lieutenant, Don Nicolas, will deliver, and in which
I ask with all humility that your lordship will cause them to be paid, so
that our injustice may not scandalize them, for it is very important that
we shall be what we ought to be, in order to make them be what they
ought to be.

In short, sir, there is much to remedy, but not as regards the Indians,
all of which I now omit in order not to weary your lordship ; I only state
it so that your lordship may know something of the motives which my
superior may have, and in order that you may perceive that unless these
things are remedied the ministry will become impossible. For this reason,
going so far as to interpret the will of my superior (which I ought not to
do if I were the religious that I ought to be) I told the said general that
in so far as the journey was concerned I would go with much pleasure
This I did without having any knowledge of any wish to the contrary on
the part of my prelate, whom I ought to suppose, and whom I do sup-
pose, to be a loyal vassal of his Majesty, whom may God guard.

Toward this end we are all striving, and I am hoping very promptly
for many orders from your lordship, and am awaiting at this mission of
San Pedro de Conchos the orders of the reverend father custodio with
whom I will go with notable consolation, for there is security solely in
obedience [which is] the attainment of my perfection. When I realize
that my observance is imperfect, the above fact alone will make amends
for risking my conscience, for although the merit of action is great, the
sacrifice of one's own will and freedom is greater. I judge that my supe-
rior will do with great pleasure all that may be necessary for the greater
success of the expedition which he awaits. For this reason I do not go
on with my journey; desiring to do right in everything, I cannot oppose

Autos promovidos * por el
governador con las prime-
ras noticias.

248 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

En el Real del Parral en dos dias del mes de Noviembre de mil y seis-
cientos y ochenta y ocho anos el Senor Sargento Mayor Don Juan Ysidro

de Pardinas Villar de Franco [s] Cavallero
de la Horden de Santiago Governador y
Capitan General de este Reyno de. la nueba
Viscaya por su Magestad. Dijo que porque z
la nacion de los yndios chisos a muchos anos
que ostilizan estas fronteras y que lo van continuando no solo en perjuicio
de las vidas y haziendas de los vezinos espanoles sino de los pueblos de
yndios catolicos que estan debajo de la Real obedencia fiados en el retiro
que tienen en sus tierras muy distantes de estas fronteras y coligacion
que tienen hecha con las demas naciones reveladas y que es necesario qu
se ocurra al remedio mas conbeniente mejor a se despache orden en forma
al General Juan de Retana para que con noventa hombres espanoles los
cuarenta de los que son de su cargo veinte de los de la compania de cam-
pana y treinta vezinos de su Senoria le proveera saiga el dia quinze de
este presente mes con la cantidad de yndios amigos que f ueren suficientes
y vaya a la parte que llaman la junta de los Rios y busque a los enemigos
en las partes donde estubiere[n] y les haga guerra con toda ostilidad ob-
servando con la nacion chisa el no admitirlos de paz aunque b se sujeten
a las poblaciones que su Senoria les asignase por cuanto por autos y or-
denes de los senores Governadores sus antecesores estan declarados por
enemigos los mas perniciosos que tiene este Reyno. Y por cuanto los
yndios de la nacion sibola que abitan a la parte del Rio del Norte han dado
noticia que llegan por dicho Rio unas gentes que parescen extrangeros y
pueden ser de los que asisten en el puerto de el Espiritu Santo en atencion
a que Su Senoria tiene noticias que por la parte de este Reyno tiene paso
el dicho Rio y ser combeniente tomar noticias y lengua de estos generos de
gentes para darle a su Magestad y al Excelentisimo Senor Virrey de la
Nueba Espafia para que se provea de lo mas conbeniente y se reconozca
la parte por donde fuese mas facil desalojar al enemigo del dicho Puerto
mandaba y mando que asi mismo se incluia en dicha orden que el dicho
General Juan de Retana pasa el dicho Rio c del Norte y haga las diligen-
cias combenientes para coger algun prisionero de las dichas gentes que
suben por el dicho Rio del Norte procurando pasarle y reconocer el
puesto donde estubieren alojados y fortificaciones que tubieren hechas
[y de] todo lo demas que fuere combeniente reconocer trayendo de todo
relacion en forma que de dicha orden se tome razon a la letra al pie de
este auto asi lo probeyo mando y firmo don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas
Villar de Franco [s] ante mi Miguel de Aranda [esscrivano Real].

y Copy B has " proveidos ".

z Copy B reads " que por quanto ", which is probably correct.

a Copy B has " mando ". This is obviously correct.

b Copy B has " Sin que ". This apparently is correct.

c Copy B reads " pase a dicho Rio ". From the context, this appears to be correct.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 249

the mandate of your lordship, but still less can I decide to do it. I pray
that our Lord will arrange all for the best and that he will keep your lord-
ship for all the years that I desire. San Pedro de Conchos, November 18,
1688. Your humble chaplain and servant kisses the hand of your lord-
ship. Fray AgustIn de Colin a. For the senor governor and captain-
general, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos, my master.

At the camp of El Parral on the second day of the month of November,
1688, the senor sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de

Francos, knight of the Order of Santiago,

Autos promulgated by the
governor on receipt of the
first notices.

governor and captain-general of this king-
dom of Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, de-
clared that inasmuch as Indians of the Chizas
nation have been committing hostilities upon
these frontiers for many years, and are still continuing to do so, not only
to the prejudice of the lives and property of the Spanish residents, but
also to the prejudice of the pueblos of Catholic Indians who are under
royal authority, but who feel secure in the privacy which they enjoy in
their lands, which are very distant from these frontiers, and because of
the alliance which they have made with the other rebel nations, and since
it is necessary that the most efficient remedy shall be anticipated, he com-
manded that an order, in legal form, shall be sent to General Juan de
Retana to set out with ninety Spaniards — forty of them to be those of
his own command, twenty from the field company and thirty to be citi-
zens that his lordship will provide him with — on the fifteenth day of this
present month, together with a sufficient number of friendly Indians.
Let him proceed to the place called La Junta de los Rios, and look for the
hostile Indians, wherever they may be, and make war upon them with all
vigor, being particular not to agree to peace with the Chiza nation unless
they shall agree to congregate in the settlements which his lordship may
assign to them, inasmuch as through autos and orders of the senores gov-
ernors, his predecessors, they are declared to be the most pernicious ene-
mies which this kingdom has.

And inasmuch as the Indians of the Cibolo nation, who live in the re-
gion of the Rio del Norte, have given information that some people, who
appear to be foreigners, are approaching by way of the said river, and
may be of those who are at the port of Espiritu Santo, and in view of
the fact that his lordship has knowledge that the said river has passage
through a part of this kingdom, and since it is necessary to obtain infor-
mation and tidings as to the sort of people these are, in order to [be able
to] report it to his Majesty and to the most excellent senor viceroy of
New Spain,120 so that whatever is most proper may be done and the
district through which the enemy may the easiest be dislodged from the
said port may be reconnoitred, that likewise it shall be included in the
same order that the said General Juan de Retana shall proceed to the said
Rio del Norte and take the necessary steps to secure a prisoner from the
said people who are ascending by way of the said Rio del Norte, and that
he shall endeavor to cross it and reconnoitre the place where they may be

Horden para que se vaya
a reconocer el rio del Norte.

250 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

El sargento mayor [Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de francos
Governador y Capitan General de este Reino y probincias de la nueva

Viscaia por su Magestad]. Por quanto los
indios rebelados de las naciones Tovosos
salineros cabesas chisos e chichitames cho-
lemes y otras naciones sus congregadas os-
tilisan este reino con muertes y robos asal-
tando los pueblos de los indios de paz o que estan obedientes debajo del
real amparo y que es reconocido que la guerra defensiva contra dichos
rebeldes no evita en el todo los danos que causan ni se pueden estorbar
respecto a ser la tierra abierta y tener el enemigo muchas entradas sin
ser sentido[s] y [que] para aplicar el remedio que parece mas exsequible
ha parecido combeniente buscar a dichos enemigos en sus tierras y har-
cerles guerra ofensiva por tanto ordeno y mando al General Juan Fer-
nandez de Retana Capitan del Presidio de Conchos que el dia quince de
este presente mes saiga para las tierras del enemigo con noventa hom-
bres espafioles alcabuceros que llebara en esta manera los cuarenta de los
de su cargo y presidio los veinte de la compania de campana de ese Reyno
y los treinta de los vezinos de estas jurisdicciones que tengo prevenidos
y dispuestos para dicho efecto y los yndios auxiliares que les parecieren
necesarios y buscara dichos enemigos en las partes donde tuvieren sus
retiros y les hara la guerra ofensiva con toda ostilidad hasta reduxirlos
o dejarlos castigados para que con el temor deseen la quietud executando
en las naciones mas protervas y nosibas lo que esta mandado y hordenado
por autos y hordenes de los Senores Governadores mis antescesores y
constan por las que tiene el dicho General Juan Fernandez de Retana
executandolas ynviolablemente como si aqui fueran expresas.

Y porque los yndios sibolos y otros de otras naciones me an dado no-
ticia que han visto en el Rio del Norte gentes extrangeras que suben por
el y estando poblado de franceses el puerto y bahia del Espiritu Santo es
muy necesario reconocer que jentes son las que suben por el dicho Rio
y donde tienen la asistencia y con que fuerzas prebencion y jentes estan
y que no se a podido conseguir por la parte del mar ni del Reyno de Leon
aunque se han hecho diversas diligencias y en atencion a que por la parte
de este Reino se pasa el dicho [Rio] con mas facilidad que con d otra
alguna el dicho General Juan Fernandez de Retana en llegando al puerto
nombrado la junta de los Rios pasara el del Norte esguasandolo por las
partes donde se puede hacer el respecto e a las naciones numerosas que ay
en el y que es necesario atraerlos para que sean fieles y no se colegen con
dichos extrangeros como gente facil asentara con ellos buena paz tratan-
dolos con todo carino afabilidad y urbanidad para que con ella se conser-
ben con dicho General y se reduscan a la obediencia de su Magestad
asiendosela jurar en cuyo Real nombre tomara posesion de las tierras que
por aquella parte descubriere y en serial de ella lebantara y pondra la
serial de la Santa Cruz en todas partes que le pareciere haciendo el auto

d Copy B reads " que por otra ".

e Copy B reads " donde se puede aser y Respecto a ". From the context it appears
that this is correct.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 1692 251

lodged, the fortifications that they may have made, and everything else
that it may be advisable to reconnoitre, bringing a report of all in proper
form.

Let a literal record of the said order be made at the foot of this auto.
Thus did he provide, order, and sign. Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas
Villar de Francos. Before me, Miguel de Aranda, royal clerk.

The sargento mayor, Don Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos,
governor and captain-general of this kingdom and these provinces of

Nueva Vizcaya for his Majesty, [said that]

Order for an expedition
to reconnoitre the Rio del
Norte.

nasmuch as the rebellious Indians of the
Tobosos, Salineros, Cabesas, Chizos, Chichi-
tames, and Cholemes nations and other al-
lied nations are committing hostilities against
this kingdom by murdering and robbing, and are attacking the pueblos
of peaceful Indians who are living obediently under royal protection,
and since it has been learned that defensive war against the said rebels
does not entirely prevent the harm that they cause, nor can the Indians
be held back because the land is open and the enemy has many places
where he can enter without being perceived, and in order to apply the
remedy that seems the most attainable, it has seemed best to seek out the
said hostiles in their own lands and make offensive war upon them.

Therefore, I order and command General Juan Fernandez de Retana,
captain of the presidio of Conchos, to set out on the fifteenth day of this
present month for the country of the enemy with ninety Spanish harque-
busiers, whom he will take in this manner : forty of them from his own
command and presidio, twenty from the field company of this kingdom,
thirty from the citizens of these jurisdictions whom I have provided and
prepared for the said purpose, and such Indian auxiliaries as may appear
to be necessary. He will seek the said enemy in the places where they may
have their hiding places and make offensive war on them with all vigor
until they are reduced or punished so that through fear they may desire
peace ; and he shall execute upon the nations that are most stubborn and
obnoxious that which is commanded and ordered in the autos and orders
of the sefiores governors, my predecessors, and the orders which are con-
tained in the said autos given by the said General Juan Fernandez de
Retana, executing them inviolably as though they were stated here.

And since the Cibolos Indians and other Indians of other nations have
informed me that they have seen foreigners on the Rio del Norte, who
are ascending it, and since the port and Bay of Espiritu Santo are occu-
pied by Frenchmen, it is very necessary to find out what men they are
who are ascending by way of the said river, where they have their resi-
dence, and what forces, supplies, and men they have. Since it has not
been possible to obtain this information by way of the sea or by way of
the kingdom of Leon, although many attempts have been made,121 and
in view of the fact that in a section of this kingdom the said river may
be crossed more easily, General Juan Fernandez de Retana, upon .reach-
ing the place called La Junta de los Rios, shall cross the Rio del Norte,
fording it wherever possible. With regard to the numerous nations living

252 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

y autos juridicos que estan dispuestos por leyes Reales en casos de esta
calidad y para aprehenderla y tomarla por nuestra Santa Madre Yglesia
lo hara el Reverendo Padre Fray Juan de Jumeta del horden de San
Francisco Ministro doctrinero del valle de San Bartolome persona apro-
bada por el ordinario de este obispado ynteligente en las lenguas del dicho
Rio del Norte y en quien concurren virtud y demas calidades necesarias
para el dicho efecto y el dicho General reconocera para reconocer f la
parte y puesto a donde suben los dichos extrangeros y de donde y pondra
toda diligencia en cojer a las manos alguno o algunos de ellos para tomar
lengua de todo lo que f uere necesario cobrando g en esta materia con toda
cautela procurando y precautelandose de que los yndios no den noticia
a dichas gentes de su llegada y si tubiere razon que por aquella parte ubiere
alguna nazion de yndios que vivan en policia como los texas que tengan
Rey cacique o Jefe a quien obedezcan hara liga y confederacion con ellos
para que no lo consigan los dichos extrangeros y les dara a entender por
medio del religiosos h las cosas de Nuestra Santa Fee y derecho que Su
Magestad tiene a todas las Yndias occidentales y que su Real yntencion
es de la propagacion del Santo Evangelio y no de oprimirles la livertad de
la qual gozaran debajo de su Real obediencia con los cuales hara ligas y
confederaciones las que le parecieren conbenir para que no admitan otros
de dichas gentes extrangeras y pondra todo cuydado en que sus soldados
den buen exemplo a las dichas naciones haziendoles frecuentar en actos
de virtud y caridad con dicho naturales sin entrar en sus casas sin hazer-
les molestia en mugeres hijos y familias teniendolos como quienes han de
ser espejos de naciones barvaras para la introducion de Nuestra Santa
Religion haziendolos confesar y hazer otros actos de catolicos y que todos
acaricien a dichos naturales con mucha urbanidad sin altibez ni mayoria
alguna y asi mismo reconocera el puerto o bahia del Espiritu Santo u otro
cualquier puerto donde tubieren noticia esta poblada alguna nacion ex-
trangera procurandolo conseguir con espias que den buena razon y fide-
digna de todo y de las fortificaciones que tubieren hechas y numero de
gente que paresciere haver en lo que estuviere poblado obrando como
dicho es y con forme la ynstruccion que asi mismo lleva y sobre todo
obrara como quien tiene la cosa presente tomando razon de los puestos
jornadas r umbos alturas y rios de las partes que reconociere y de las
conbeniencias o yncombeniencias que hallare para conseguir por la parte
mas facil desalojar dichos extrangeros trayendome relacion autentica de
todo para que con ella se la de yo a Su Magestad y al Exelentisimo Senor
Virrey de la nueba espafia para que se provea de lo mas conbeniente al
Real servicio en materia que amenaza tan malas consecuencias a todos
estos Reynos que fio de las obligaciones del Dicho General Juan Fernandez
de Retana lo executara con el selo que le asiste del mayor servicio de Su
Magestad en lo cual se lo hara muy sefialado y mando a los Capitanes
Antonio de Medina y otras cualesquiera que fueren a dicha Jornada y a

f Copy B reads " Reconosera o ara Reconoser ".
* Copy B has " obrando " ; obviously this is correct.
h Copy B has " Religioso ". This is obviously correct.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 253

on it, and because it is necessary to attract them, so that they will be
faithful, and will not associate themselves with the said foreigners, like
the facile people that they are, he will arrange a satisfactory peace with
them, treating them with all affection, affability, and urbanity, so that
they will keep it with the said general, and in order that they may be
reduced to the obedience of his Majesty.

This obedience sworn to, he will take possession, in the royal name, of
the lands which he may discover in that region. In sign of this he shall
raise and erect the form of the holy cross in all places that may seem
proper to him, drawing up the legal auto or autos that are ordered by the
royal laws 122 in cases of this sort. The act of taking possession of it for
our holy mother Church shall be done by the reverend father, Fray Juan
de Jumeta, of the Order of Saint Francis, minister doctrinero of the
valley of San Bartolome, a person approved by the ordinary of this
bishopric, versed in the languages of the said Rio del Norte, and one in
whom are united the virtue and other qualities necessary for the said pur-
pose. Also the said general will take steps to reconnoitre the locality and
place toward which the said foreigners are proceeding up the river, and
the place whence they come. He will use all diligence to lay hands on some
one or more of them in order to get information of all that may be neces-
sary, working in this matter with all caution, and taking care that the
Indians do not give notice to the said people of his coming. And if he
should have information that in that region there is any nation of Indians
living under an organized government like the Texas Indians, with a
king, cacique, or chief whom they obey, he shall form a league and con-
federation with them, in order to prevent the said strangers from doing
it, and he will cause them to know, by means of the religious, the things
of our holy faith and the right that his Majesty has over all the western
Indias, and that his royal purpose is the propagation of the holy gospel,
and not to deprive them of liberty, which they will enjoy under his royal
obedience. With these he will make such leagues and confederations as
may seem best to him in order that they may not make other leagues and
confederations with the foreigners.

He shall take great care that his soldiers shall set a good example to
the said nations, forcing them to the frequent performance of acts of
virtue and charity toward the said natives, without entering their houses
and without molesting their women, children, or families, and conducting
themselves like persons who have to be mirrors to the barbarous nations
for the introduction of our holy religion, making them confess and per-
form other Catholic acts, and taking care that all shall treat the said na-
tives with much courtesy, without haughtiness or any show of superiority.

Also he shall reconnoitre the port or Bay of Espiritu Santo, or any
other port that they may learn that any foreign nation is settled at; he
shall endeavor to obtain through spies good and reliable information con-
cerning everything, of the fortifications that they may have made and
the number of men that they appear to have where they are settled; he
shall work along the above lines and in conformity with the instructions
which he also carries.

254 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

toda la gente espafiola soldados y vezinos que a ella fueren y yndios
auxiliares esten a sus hordenes y obedezcan y cumplan las que las diere
so las penas que les ympusiere las cuales executara en los ynobedientes a
usanza de guerra que para ello les doy tan amplia comision como la que
en mi reside por convenir asi al servicio de su Magestad. Y porque con
los yndios auxiliares y espafioles que ha de llevar haran mucho numero y
es necesario que se dilaten mas de cien dias en la Jornada y se necesita
que vayan bastantemente proveydos de municiones bastimentos y requas
de mulas que los conduzcan y sin embargo que no hay medios de efectos
de paz y guerra se les proveera a mi credito de todo lo referido hasta que
los dichos efectos se paguen y el dicho General Juen Fernandez de Retana
tendra cuenta y razon judicial de la destribucion que hisiere en la dicha
campafia para que conste en las quentas que se han de dar de dichos efec-
tos de paz y guerra y no omitira representarme todos los que fueren
necesarios para que yo lo provea por ser en cosa tan del Real servicio y de
esta horden y despacho se tomara la razon a la letra como esta mandado
por auto de ese dia dada firmada de mi mano sellada con el sello de mis
armas y refrendada del presente escrivano en dos dias del mes de Noviem-
bre de mil seiscientos ochenta y ocho afios. Bachiller Juan Ysidro de
Pardinas Villar de Francos. Por mandado de Su Senoria. Miguel
de Aranda Escrivano Real.

Concuerda este traslado con la orden y comision original de que se
haze mension de a donde lo saque a que me remito que se le entrega origi-
nal al dicho General Juan Fernandez de Retana para su execucion y cum-
plimiento va cierta y verdadera correxido y concertado y para que de ello
conste de mandato del Senor Governador y Capitan General de este
Reyno doy el presente en el Real y Minas de San Joseph del Parral en tres
dias del mes de noviembre de mil y seiscientos y ochenta y ocho afios
siendo testigos el Capitan Francisco de Escarzega y Joseph de Solorzano
presentes y vezinos de este Real y lo signe en testimonio de verdad.
Miguel de Aranda Escrivano Real.

En quinse de henero de mill seiscientos y ochenta y nuebe afios de man-
dato del Senor Governador y Capitan General de este Reino se saco tes-
timonio de estos autos aqui.

Senor Governador y Capitan General. Tengo remitido a Vuestra
Senoria los autos y mayor averiguacion de que la nacion extrangera sube

a los tejas y mas arriba y que pretenden
yntroducirse entre los yndios que tocan a
este Reyno y estan de paz y hechas las di-
chas diligencias que ya Vuestra senoria ha-
bra visto a pocas jornadas de mi biaje tube
noticia de que una rrancheria de los enemigos que ymbaden este Reyno se
hallaban alojados en una sierra llamada guapagua y aunque fue fuerza el
estranar mi derota pase a la dicha sierra donde los rrompi y desbarate
con muerte de muchos por hallarse juntas las tres naciones mas perni-
ciosas que son Cocoiones l y los que llaman hijos de las piedras y Gavi-

1 Copy B has " cocotomes " ; this is probably correct.

Carta del Capitan Juan de
Retana.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 255

Above everything he will work as one who has the matter before him,
placing on record the places, day's marches, routes, altitudes, and rivers
of the districts which he may reconnoitre, and the conveniences and in-
conveniences that one may encounter in proceeding through the most
suitable section for dislodging the said foreigners. He shall bring me an
authentic account concerning everything so that with it I can report to
his Majesty and to the most excellent senor viceroy of New Spain, so
that whatever is best for the royal service may be provided concerning
a matter which threatens such evil consequences to all these kingdoms.

In view of the integrity of the said General Juan Fernandez, I have
confidence that he will carry it out with the zeal which characterizes him
for the greatest service of his Majesty, by which he will be made very
famous, and I order Captain Antonio de Medina and any other captains
who may go on the said journey, and all the Spanish people, soldiers as
well as citizens, who may go on it, and the Indian auxiliaries, who are
under his orders, to obey and comply with those orders which he may
issue to them, under the penalties that he may impose upon them ; these
penalties he will execute upon the disobedient ones according to the usage
of war, for which I give him as ample commission as that which resides
in me, since thus it comports to the service of his Majesty.

And because there will be a large number, counting the Indian auxili-
aries and the Spaniards, that he will have to take along, and because it is
necessary that they spend more than a hundred days on the journey, and
that they must go sufficiently provided with munitions, supplies, and herds
of mules to conduct them, and notwithstanding the fact that there are no
funds for the expenses of peace and war, all the above-mentioned will
be furnished them, on my credit, until the said accounts are paid. The
said General Juan Fernandez de Retana will keep a record and accurate
memorandum of the distribution that he may make in the said campaign,
so that it may appear in the accounts that must be given of the said
expenses of peace and war; he will not fail to inform me of all that may
be necessary, so that I can provide it, since it is in an affair so greatly to
the royal service.

Of this order and despatch he will take a literal copy, as is ordered by
the auto of this day, given and signed by my hand, sealed with the seal of
my arms, and countersigned by the present clerk, on the second day of
November, 1688. Bachiller Juan Isidro de Pardinas Villar de
Francos. By order of his lordship, Miguel de Aranda, royal clerk.

This copy agrees with the original order and commission referred to,
from which I copied it and which I remit so that the original may be
delivered to the said General Juan Fernandez de Retana for its execution
and fulfillment. The copy is exact and true, corrected, and compared.
In order that it may go on record as a mandate of the senor governor and
captain-general of this kingdom, I issue the present writing at the camp
and mines of San Joseph del Parral, on the third day of the month of
November, 1688, the witnesses being Captain Francisco de Escarzega and
Joseph de Solorzano, citizens of this camp who were present. And I
signed it in testimony of its truth. Miguel de Aranda, royal clerk.

256 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

lanes cuyos hechos son tan costosos y esperimentados en este Reyno qui-
teles grande suma de cavallos ydaj que es la que remito para que se
restituya a sus duefios cuyas senales son conocidas y asi mismo la chusma
y prisioneros que aprese y al cabo le dy orden para que ynformase a Vues-
tra Senoria como me he dicho lo ha hecho y aunque me detube algunos
dias en los alcanzes volvi a tomar el camino para el Rio del Norte en
cumplimiento del orden de Vuestra Senoria a reconocer el camino para
la vahia del Espiritu Santo y ynformarme de la derrota que es la materia
que tanto cuydado le da a Vuestra Senoria y con tanta razon y haviendo
llegado a la Junta del Rio del Norte y de Conchos despache yndios de los
mas practicos de la tierra para que reconociesen las partes y rumbos por
donde habia de marchar y que fuesen mas faciles para los casos que se
ofrecieren en adelante si persiste el franzes porque me ha causado cuidado
el que hayan dicho a los yndios que con facilidad y con carros han de
entrar al parral materia muy corruta para k entre los yndios de todo este
pays porque aseguro a Vuestra Senoria que no hay arriva de ochenta
leguas de ese Real a la Junta de los Rios esto es viniendo via recta y sin
discreccion l como me sucedio. A pocos dias de haber salido estos esplo-
readores me trujeron noticia de que la tenian de que un Governador a
quien estan sujetas estas naciones venia ya de los tejas qui en me daria
razon de todo y biendo que se dilataba resolvi el salir .de la Junta de los
Rios algunas jornadas a encontrarle porque tambien me dijeron me traia
cartas y porque no se entendiese que el gran numero de naciones acobar-
daba nuestras armas y a cuatro jornadas encontre con el dicho Gover-
nador cuio nombre es Don Juan Xaviata que es el Capataz Principal de
las naciones zivola y Jumana que se alegro mucho de ver espanoles en su
tierra y preguntandome el fecto a que entraba y dandole noticia de ello
me dijo que los moros que asi llaman a los franzeses los yndios no m heran
muertas porque las naciones inmediatas a ellos los asaltaron y consumieron
y que tubiese entendido que no habia ya ninguno vibo donde residian y
que bido algunos despojos de dichos franzeses y los yndios que los tenian
por verificasion de su verdad le entregaron unos papeles y un nabio pin-
tado en un pergamino escripto de mano en lengua f ranzesa enbuelto todo
en una corbata de encajes grandes lo cual lleva a Vuestra Senoria el
dicho Governador Don Juan Xaviata de quien tome particulares noticias
del camino para los tejas que es cuando mucho diez y ocho marchas con
carruage desde este puesto abundante de rios y aguaxes sin impedimentos
de sierras por ser todo tierras liana con mucha abundancia de ganado
zibolo y f rutas sirbestres de todo da razon a Vuestra Senoria y lo que yo
Puedo dezir es que en cualquiere tiempo se puede entrar segun parece
hasta los tejas y bahia del Espiritu Santo. No solo he tornado razon de
dicho Don Juan Xabiata sino de otros yndios que ban con el de que es

1 Copy B reads " de Cavallada que ". This is probably correct.

kCopy B has " Corrutapa {sic)".

1 Copy B has " Digresion ". This probably is correct.

m Copy B has " ya ". From the context it appears that " ya " is correct.

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Letter of Captain Juan de
Retana.

Autos from Pardinas, 1688-1692 257

On January 15, 1689, by order of the sefior governor and captain-
general of this kingdom, a certified copy of the autos herein was made.

Senor governor and captain-general: I have sent to your lordship the
autos and the principal proof that a foreign people is ascending to the

Texas Indians and beyond, and that these
foreigners are attempting to establish them-
selves among the Indians who live on the
borders of this kingdom and are at peace.
The measures having been taken of which
your lordship will have already learned, I ascertained, a few days after
I had begun my journey, that a rancheria of the hostiles who invade this
kingdom was located on a sierra called Guapagua, and although it was
necessary to turn off from my course I went to the said sierra, where I
defeated and routed them, killing many, because the three most perni-
cious nations were there together, namely the Cocotomes and those whom
they call Sons of the Stones, and Sparrow-hawks, whose acts have been
so costly and expensive in this kingdom.

From these I took a large number of horses, which I am returning so
that they may be restored to their owners, whose brands are well known ;
at the same time I am sending the rabble and the prisoners whom I cap-
tured. Finally, I gave an order that your lordship be advised, as you told
me to do, of what has been done. Although I remained some days at
Los Alcances, I resumed the journey toward the Rio del Norte, in fulfill-
ment of the order of your lordship to reconnoitre the road to the Bay of
Espiritu Santo and to inform myself of the route, which is the matter
that is giving such anxiety to your lordship, and with much reason.

Having arrived at the junction of the Rio del Norte and the Conchos
River, I sent some of the most experienced Indians of the country to
ascertain the regions through which I had to march, and the directions
which might be the easiest for events that might happen in the future if
the Frenchmen persist, for the fact that they have told the Indians that
easily and with carts they are going to enter El Parral, a report that is
very current among the Indians of all this country, has caused me much
anxiety. For I assure your lordship that there are not over eighty leagues
from that camp to La Junta de los Rios, that is, coming by a direct road
without diversion, as was the case with me.

A few days after these explorers had gone out, they brought me news
that they had heard that a governor to whom these nations are subject
was already en route from the Texas Indians and that he would give me
an account of everything. But, seeing that he delayed in coming, I re-
solved, because they also told me that he was bringing me letters, and in
order that it might not be thought that the great number of nations terri-
fied our forces, to go out from La Junta de los Rios some days' journey
to meet him. At four days' journey I met the said governor, whose name
is Don Juan Xaviata,123 and who is the principal chief of the Cibolo and
Jumano nations. He was delighted to see Spaniards in his country and
asked me the purpose of my entrance. When I told him of it he said that
the Moors, for it is thus that the Indians call the French, were already

258 Nueva Vizcaya in the Seventeenth Century

cierto lo que refieren pero dicennos n que han quedado hasta cuatro o
cinco franzeses retirados entre los tejas que es nacion larga esta que debe
de confinar con la florida segun discurro ya Vuestra Senoria reconocera
por el tiempo el estado en que puedo hallarme de mantenimientos y asi
con este puesto he determinado aguardar orden de Vuestra Senoria de lo
que tengo de executar y sin ° con esta noticia le parece sera conbeniente que
pase a ocupar el puesto que los franceses han perdido y me socorra con
bastimento para conserbar la gente porque son muchos los yndios que
saque por lo necesario que son entre naciones no conocidas que aseguro
a Vuestra Senoria son numerosas de jentes pero hallome con la que traigo
en disposicion de penetrar cuanto se ofreciere esto digo por el rezelo que
a Vuestra Senoria se le puede ofrecer y sobre todo estoy al cumplimiento
de la horden que aguarda el Reverendo Padre Fray Juan de Zumete Besa
a Vuestra Senoria la Mano Guarde Dios a Vuestra Senoria muchos anos
como deseo Rio Salado y Marzo tres de mil y seiscientos y ochenta y
nuebe anos. Sefior Governador y Capitan General. Besa la mano de
Vuestra Senoria su mas seguro servidor. Juan de Retana. Sefior Sar-
hento Mayor Don Juan Ysidro de Pardinas Villar de Francos.

En el Parral en treinta dias del mes de Marzo de mil y seiscientos y
ochenta y nuebe anos el Sefior Sargente mayor Don Juan Ysidro de Par-
dinas Cavallero del horden de Santiago Governador y Capitan General de
este Reyno y provincias de la nueba vizcaya por Su Magestad Dijo que
por cuanto acaba de recibir carta del Capitan Juan De Retana en la que
le noticia que viene a este Real un Governador de las naciones de yndios
que llaman sibolos y jumanas y porque combiene examinarlos con par-
ticular cuydado y que sea con la mayor brebedad que sea
posible manda su Senoria que la carta se ponga con los autos
en esta razon fechos y se despache horden al alferez del Pre-
sidio de San Francisco de Conchos para que con presteza re-
mita a este Real al Dicho Governador Juan Javiata y los caciques que
trujere en su compania hasiendoles probeer de mantenimiento y cabal-
gaduras para la mayor brebedad de su venida que la costa que hiciere en
ello se le satisfara; y asi mismo porque en este Real no hay ynterprete
de las lenguas sibola y xumana mandara pasar con los contenidos a Don
Nicolas Governador de la nasion Xulime y a otro que tambien los enti-
enda y que se les haga a dicho Governador y cacique todo buen pasage y
tratamiento y asi lo probeyo mando y firmo. Don Juan Ysidro de Par-
dinas Villar de Francos. Ante mi Don Luis de Valdes Secretario de
Govierno p y Guerra.

Dicho dia se despacho la horden contenida en este auto.

n Copy B reads " pero dicen mas que ".
°Copy B has "si". Obviously "si" is correct.
p Copy B has " escrivano de gobernacion ".

Auto

Autos from Pardinas, 1688- 1692 259

dead, for the neighboring nations attacked and killed them, and that I
should know that there was not now one alive where they resided, and
that he saw some spoils taken from the said Frenchmen, and that the
Indians who had them as proof of the truth, gave him some papers and a
ship painted on a parchment written by hand in the French language, all
wrapped up in a neckcloth of wide lace, which the said governor, Don
Juan Xaviata, is taking to your lordship.124 I took detailed information
from him in regard to the road to the Texas Indians which is at the most
eighteen marches by wagon from this place, and it abounds with rivers
and springs, without the impediment of mountains, for the entire country
is level, with a great abundance of buffalo and wild fruits. Concerning
everything he gives account to your lordship, and what I can say is that
it is possible to enter at any time, apparently, as far as the Texas Indians
and the Bay of Espiritu Santo.

Not only have I secured information from the said Don Juan Xaviata,
but also from other Indians who are travelling with him, from which it
is true what they report, but they tell us further that as many as four or
five Frenchmen have remained hidden among the Texa